Neo-Liberalism Impacts– Global Genocide

Neo-Liberalism Impacts– Global Genocide

Henry Giroux, Chair in Communications at McMaster University, 2002

[The Terror of Neoliberalism]

Corporate power increasingly frees itself from any political limitations just as it uses its power through the educational force of the dominant culture to put into place an utterly privatized notion of agency in which It becomes difficult for young people and adults to imagine a democracy as a public food, let alone the transformative power of collective action. Democratic politics has become ineffective, if not banal, as civic language is impoverished and genuine spaces for democratic learning, debate, and dialogue, such as schools, newspapers, popular culture, television networks, and other public spheres, are either underfunded, eliminated, privatized, or subject to corporate ownership. Under politics and culture of neoliberalism (despite its tensions and contradictions), society is increasingly mobilized for the production of violence against the poor, immigrants, dissenters, and others marginalized because of their age, gender, race, ethnicity and color. At the center of neoliberalism is a new form of politics in the United States – a politics in which radical exclusion is the order of the day, and in which the primary questions no longer concern equality, justice, or freedom but are now about the survival of the slickest in a culture marked by fear, surveillance, and economic deprivation. As Susan George points out, the question that currently seems to define neoliberal “democracy” is “Why has a right to live or does not?”
GLOBAL CAPITALISM SEEKS EXTERMINATION OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES

Thomas Hall & James Fenelon, Sociology Professor DePaul & Native American Scholar, 2005, Transforming Globalization: Challenges and Opportunities in the Post 9/11 Era, ed. Bruce Podobnik, p. 97

Neo-Liberalism Impacts– Hurts the People

US NEOLIBERAL MODEL OF DEMOCRACY ENTRENCHES ECONOMIC INEQUALITY

Dionysis Markakis, Center for International and Regional Studies- Georgetown University, 2016, US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East: The Pursuit of Hegemony, p. 20-1

At the core of this institutional model of democracy, liberal democratic political values and free market economic principles are posited as intrinsically linked. Successive American administrations have argued that free markets are a prerequisite for democracy. For instance, as the G.W. Bush administration stated in the National Security Strategy of 2002:

“A strong world economy enhances our national security by advancing prosperity and freedom in the rest of the world. Economic growth supported by free trade and free markets creates new jobs and higher incomes. It allows people to life their lives out of poverty, spurs economic and legal reform, and the fight against corruption, and it reinforces the habits of liberty [emphasis added.]

This amalgamation of democracy and capitalism lies at the heart of America’s ideology and the model of governance promoted. It results in a very particular, narrow interpretation of democracy, one that attempts to separate the political system from the socio-economic order. In Democracy in Developing Countries, a landmark study commissioned by the NED, for the purposes of informing US policy on political transitions abroad, Larry Diamond, Juan Linz and Seymour Lipset argue that democracy signifies a “political system, separate and apart from the economic and social system.” They claim that: “a distinctive aspect of …[their] approach is to insist that issues of so-called and social democracy be separated from the question of government structure.” This is supported by Samuel Huntington, who similarly argued that “political democracy is clearly compatible with inequality in both wealth and income, and in, some measure, it may be dependent upon such inequality.” He concluded that: “defining democracy in terms of goals such as economic well-being, social justice, and overall socioeconomic equity is not…very useful.” This interpretation of democracy is inherently contradictory; on the one hand it claims political equality, while on the other it legitimizes socio-economic inequality. And fundamentally, it fails to allow for the possibility that other forms of democracy, beyond the liberal sub-type, can exist—and perhaps more successfully.
NEO-LIBERAL OBSESSION WITH “CORRUPTION” PRIVILEGES ECONOMIC INTERESTS OVER WHAT BEST SERVES THE NEEDS OF THE PEOPLE

Philippe Le Billon, University of British Columbia, 2001, Political Geography, vol. 20, [http://web.madritel.es/personales1/martegea/Bibliography/PDFs_DOCs/LeBillon_2001.pdf], p. 576

The above interpretation builds on the neo-liberal concept of ‘bad governance’ characterising ‘weak’ or ‘failed’ states. While developing countries enjoying ‘good governance’ may be considered for inclusion, countries affected by ‘bad governance’ are deemed prone to ‘chaotic’ conflicts and considered a new plague requiring their exclusion. This understanding has fed into the paradigm of a “coming [dangerous] anarchy” resulting from the corruption of governance and the scarcity of revenues (Kaplan 1994). These views respond to and simultaneously reinforce the dual process of exclusion and criminalisation, resulting in criminal inclusion in global markets, creating an even greater dependence on lootable resources, whether licit or illicit. The toll exacted on populations through violence and poverty is not, however, always related to the ‘criminal’ or ‘illegal’ character of this inclusion. People can, for example, be better off when protected by local warlords dealing in narcotics - not to mention their own economic gains from drug production or trafficking - than when subject to a corrupt and oppressive regime dealing ‘legally’ in petroleum. For populations, the problem is rooted less in ‘criminality’ but in its consequences in terms of economic and institutional vulnerability, for example, the vulnerability of criminal or ‘rogue’ states to international sanctions regimes (which ironically often extend criminalisation by making normal economic activities illicit and pushing the state to engage with criminal gangs to run smuggling operations).

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