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Have You Read This?If yes, click here.
Want to hear Shmoop's candidate for Most Inspiring Political Quote of All Time?Here you go:
"Go, balloons. I don't see anything happening. Go, balloons. Go, balloons. Go, balloons. Stand by, confetti. Keep coming, balloons. More balloons. Bring them. Balloons, balloons, balloons! More balloons. Tons of them. Bring them down. Let them all come. No confetti. No confetti yet. No confetti. All right. Go, balloons. Go, balloons. We're getting more balloons. All balloons. All balloons should be going. Come on, guys! Let's move it. Jesus! We need more balloons. I want all balloons to go. Go, confetti. Go, confetti. Go, confetti. I want more balloons. What's happening to the balloons? We need more balloons. We need all of them coming down. Go, balloons. Balloons. What's happening balloons? There's not enough coming down. All balloons! Why the **** is nothing falling? What the **** are you guys doing up there? We want more balloons coming down. More balloons. More balloons."
That's from the control booth at the 2004 Democratic National Convention. Someone up there was a bit upset when the red-white-and-blue balloons failed to deploy at the convention's end, and a microphone picked up his poignant, heartfelt, cry for more balloons. Perhaps not coincidentally, the Democrats went on to lose that election.
Of course, there comes a time when all the balloons have been released, all the campaign yardsigns have been consigned to the garbage, all the negative ads have gone off the air, and the people we elected have to actually…you know…do something. That's what this unit is about—what our politicians actually do when they enter into office. That's public policy, and it's the point of the whole thing we call politics—the reason they bothered inflating all of those balloons in the first place.
The Policy Process
Have You Read This?If yes, click here.
There's a policy process? Don't we just elect some guys who then do whatever they said they were going to do, and then we get to vote on whether or not we still like them?
If only it were that simple. In fact, making public policy is a drawn-out, step-by-step process, like the assembly line at McDonald's or (in Otto von Bismarck's famous metaphor) a sausage factory. (Can you tell it's lunchtime at the Shmoop office?)
Public policy analysts usually identify five steps to this process:
Problem identification: What problem are we trying to solve? How do we know it's a problem? Did it come to national attention because of voter pressure, or interest groups in the majority party, or expert opinion, or some other means? Is it a problem that falls under the federal government's responsibilities?
Policy formulation: What are the alternative potential solutions? What are the costs and benefits of each possible solution? Who benefits from each alternative?
Policy adoption: Now that we've decided what needs to be done, who's going to do it? Do we need to pass a law? Does the president need to make an executive order? Is it an issue for the regulatory agencies
Policy implementation: Now that we've settled on a solution and decided who's going to carry it out, what details need to be worked out to put it into practice? How much money should be spent, and where should it come from? What if the directive from Congress or the president is ambiguous, or can be interpreted in different ways?
Policy evaluation: Did it work? How do we know it worked, and how are we measuring success? Can we pat ourselves on the back and leave work early, or do we have to start the whole thing over again?
Traditionally, public policy scholars have analyzed these steps using the rational choice model. This model holds that the policy-making process actually does resemble an assembly line, and policymakers sit down to identify a problem and settle on a solution in clear steps. The policy ultimately adopted will be the one that does the best in cost-benefit analysis: that is, the ones whose plusses most outweigh its minuses.
But a number of concerns have been raised with this model. The main problem is that policymaking is not like following a recipe step-by-step. Not just facts, but value differences for which there are no objective answers, are involved at every level.
First, identifying a problem is not as simple as checking the temperature on the Problometer (patent pending). What you think counts as a problem depends to a great deal on your political priorities. Is $4/gallon gas a problem? Maybe, in that it can mean higher costs for American families and can slow economic growth. Or maybe not, since American gas prices are still the lowest in the industrialized world, and since less gas consumption might mean fewer carbon emissions and less global warming.
Second, politicians don't simply look at a problem and draw up the most reasonable solution from scratch. They're much more likely to have "pet solutions" that stay the same no matter what the problems are. Republicans support high-income tax cuts in good economic times and bad economic times; same for Democrats and universal health care. The policies don't change, though the arguments for them might. Policies don't often get adopted because the solution matches the problem. They are adopted because the problem matches the solution—that is, because politicians can convince enough people that the particular problem calls for their brand of solution.
Third, policy isn't like sports—the newspapers don't print box scores showing which policies won and lost. Like identifying problems, judging solutions depends on our value judgments. In the 2012 election, for instance, President Obama argues that his economic policies succeeded, because the economy was rapidly losing jobs when he took office and is now adding jobs. On the other hand, Mitt Romney argues that millions are still out of work, and that Obama's policies slowed economic recovery. Just like identifying problems, judging outcomes takes persuasion, as well.
That's not to say that facts don't matter in politics. As Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan once said, "You are entitled to your own opinions—but not your own facts." Still, the same set of facts can give rise to a huge range of opinions.
Maybe policymaking isn't like the McDonald's assembly line. Maybe it's like setting a five-year-old loose in the back of Pizza Hut. (Chocolate-anchovy-whipped-cream pizza, everyone!)
Study Break
Laws can be complicated. The recent health care reform bill was 314,900 words. That's the equivalent of a thousand word book and is the longest bill ever introduced. Coming in a close second is the 314,832 word, "Safe, Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act: A Legacy for Users," introduced in 2005. You would think that in 314,832 words you could come up with a title that offered some clue as to what the bill was about.
Domestic Policy
Have You Read This?If yes, click here.
In this section, we're going to discuss some of the most important domestic issues confronting the federal government: cotton tariffs, railroad construction, and negotiations with Indian tribes.
Okay, we're not. But those were among the most important federal issues not so long ago. If they've slipped off of your radar, that's because they've also slipped off of Washington's radar. The issues that preoccupy Congress today don't look anything like the issues that were debated a century ago. The federal government had very little to do with the economy until the twentieth century, and did not fully embrace the issue until the 1930s. We paid little attention to civil rights before the 1950s, and we didn't "discover" poverty until the 1960s. Until recently, education was something for the states to worry about. And health care was something "between you and your doctor."
Who knows what topics we'll be covering a century from now, when Shmoop will be beamed straight into your frontal cortex? Probably Newt Gingrich's plan for making the Moon the 51st state. (No, we're not making that up.)
Taxes
Hey, it's time for everyone's single favorite thing about the gummint—taxes! They're like Uncle Sam hitting you with a stick!
There's no denying it—taxes are muy unpleasant. Hopefully you won't need to fill out an IRS Form 1040 for many, many more years (or ever, if you put all of your money in an offshore account in Barbados). But taxes are also necessary, if you enjoy things like "roads" and "not getting invaded by Canada."
Policymaking is a lot about deciding what money goes where—but to obtain the money in the first place, the government largely relies on income taxes. An income tax was first levied during the Civil War. But this method of taxation was deemed constitutionally suspect until the ratification of the 16th Amendment in 1913. Currently, individual income taxes make up the lion's share of federal government revenue, about 45%.
The individual income tax code is progressive, based on the ability-to-pay-principle (the richer you are, the higher your rate). Corporate taxes produce about 12% of the government's income. The federal government also collects payroll taxes to fund certain specified programs such as Social Security and Medicare; these payroll taxes represent 36% of all federal government revenue. Import taxes and excise taxes (taxes on some "luxury" goods) generate about 3% apiece. And estate taxes (taxes on inheritance for the richest Americans) yield 1% percent.
Taxes aren't only how the government pays its bills—they're an important way to set policy, too. The federal government frequently uses tax credits and deductions (which lower your total tax bill) to promote behaviors it wants to encourage. For instance, the government wants to promote homeownership and higher education, so you get tax deductions for interest paid on your mortgage and for paying college tuition. More controversially, the tax code also includes large tax incentives to encourage oil companies to drill more. All of these incentives in the tax code shape public policy—but they also make America's tax code the most complex in the world (and keep your neighborhood H&R Block in business).
The Budget
Once again, we turn to that indispensable guide to American politics—no, not the Federalist Papers. The Simpsons:
Kent Brockman: With our utter annihilation imminent, our federal government has snapped into action. We go live now via satellite to the floor of the United States congress.
Speaker: Then it is unanimous, we are going to approve the bill to evacuate the town of Springfield in the great state of —
Congressman: Wait a minute, I want to tack on a rider to that bill: $30 million of taxpayer money to support the perverted arts.
Speaker: All in favor of the amended Springfield-slash-pervert bill?
[everyone boos] Bill defeated. [bangs gavel]
Kent Brockman: I've said it before and I'll say it again: democracy simply doesn't work.
You know all of the wrangling you see on the news over the most controversial parts of Congress's budget—"bridges to nowhere," funding for Planned Parenthood, "funding for the perverted arts," and so on? Budget-wise, it's all a sideshow.
All those high-publicity arguments concern only a small fraction of government spending. Every year, most government spending is non-negotiable or mandatory. Almost 60% of the budget goes to entitlements(programs like Social Security and Medicare, in which benefits are guaranteed if you meet certain eligibility requirements); another 6% or so goes to make interest payments on the national debt (just like you need to make interest payments on a credit card).
This leaves only a third of all spending classified as discretionary, or subject to negotiation and debate. And even within this category, spending choices are narrowed by spending decisions made in prior years. This is because Congress determines both budget outlays (money Congress is obligating to pay in the coming year) and budget authority—financial obligations that Congress undertakes for future years. That is, Congress authorizes agencies and institutions, like the Army, to sign contracts and incur financial obligations that Congress will honor in future years.
The federal budget is thousands of pages long, and believe us, it's a page-turner. We wish Hollywood would get its act together and turn it into a movie—or better yet, a whole bunch of movies. C'mon guys—you're sitting on the next Lord of the Rings franchise.
But it takes a lot of work to churn out such a thrilling document every year. In order for the federal government to have an approved budget for the fiscal year beginning every October 1, the executive branch begins to collect information roughly a year and a half in advance. Here's what the process looks like:
Government agencies prepare spending estimates.
The Office of Management and Budget (the executive branch agency responsible for preparing and monitoring the budget) reviews and perhaps revises these estimates. The OMB then crafts the president's budget proposal for submission by the first Monday in February.
The president's budget is reviewed by House and Senate committees, assisted by the Congressional Budget Office—the non-partisan agency responsible for assisting Congress with economic analysis.
The House and Senate Budget Committees prepare a preliminary budget setting general revenue and spending estimates. This concurrent resolution is intended to provide broad guidelines for the committees reviewing the president's budget. It is to be passed by Congress by April 15, but this deadline not always met.
In September, the budget committees submit a second resolution containing the spending decisions reached by the Congressional committees. The various spending decisions are contained within thirteenappropriations bills, which are to be passed and submitted to the president for his signature by October 1, the beginning of the fiscal year. But often, this deadline is not met. In order for the government to continue operations without a new budget, Congress passes a continuing resolution authorizing government agencies to continue operations in the short term.
Deficit and Debt
Watch out—it's a Deficit and Debt Dragon! (Go to 2:00.)
Okay, we're trying to make this as exciting as possible (and so is Congress, as you can tell whenever they break out the dragon posters). But, even though the deficit seems like the world's most annoying math problem, it's a problem that threatens to breathe its fiery dragon-breath all over you in the near future.
To begin with, the budget deficit is the amount of money the government takes in every year, and the amount it spends. Each year it spends more than it takes in, it runs a deficit—the extra spending is made up by borrowing money at interest. On the other hand, when the government takes in more than it spends, it's running a budget surplus.
In itself, there's nothing wrong with a deficit—the question is how big the deficit is, and when you have it. Keynesian economists, for instance (more on them below), argue that we should have a surplus in good times and a deficit in bad times (basically, the "save for a rainy day" principle). The problem comes when you run deficits that are too big, for too long. Why would we do that? Basically, because we like having nice things, but not paying for them. The federal budget includes lots of goodies (especially entitlements), but not the taxes required to pay for them. Borrowing is a way of kicking politically-unpopular decisions down the road.
The 2011 budget deficit was about $1.3 trillion. A lot of that has to do with the bad state of the economy (the government spent a lot of money on economic recovery efforts, and when people are making less money, they pay less in taxes). But we haven't always run a deficit: President Clinton left office with a budget surplus, but it was quickly turned back into a deficit under President Bush (largely thanks to tax cuts and war spending).
The main problem with deficits is that they increase the national debt—the total amount of money the government owes. Again, there's no problem with some debt, just as it's okay to carry a reasonable balance on your credit card. But at a certain point, too much debt becomes unsustainable: people stop lending to you, and the interest you pay on your debt squeezes out all of your discretionary spending (your credit card interest is so high that you can't go out for lunch). At the far end, too much debt can cause an economic crisis, as we've seen in Greece.
Economists generally agree that we're on that unsustainable course (the public debt is close to $11 trillion). The question is what we can do to reduce the debt, and how long we have to do something about it before it causes a crisis—those are essentially the questions at stake when politicians talk about debt.
We basically have two options: cutting spending (especially on entitlements and defense), and raising taxes. We might be able to solve the problem with only one of those options (recent Republican proposals revolve almost entirely around spending cuts). The problem is that either option, on its own, would probably be hugely unpopular. To solve the problem just by cutting spending, you'd need to nearly eliminate extremely popular government programs; to solve it only with more revenue, you'd need to raise huge new taxes. What's most likely, then, is some mix of spending cuts and tax increases—but what kind of mix, and whether Washington can agree on a plan while there's still time—is very much up in the air.
Economic Policy
As much as he probably enjoys being president, Barack Obama must also have times when he wishes he was in the 18th century and people didn't blame the economy on the president. But it's too late for that now—regardless of how much the president himself can actually do to improve the economy or create jobs, the federal government asked for the job.
Washington's economic responsibilities have grown more and more over the last century. The government usually practiced a philosophy of laissez faire (French for, "you're on your own, buddy"), until the social problems accompanying industrialization led federal policymakers to rethink the role of government. During theProgressive Era, the federal government worked to protect workers from unsafe conditions and consumers from unsafe products. Monopolies were broken up with anti-trust legislation and workers were allowed to form unions, strike, and picket. During the Depression, government's role increased further. Under the New Deal, the government funded public works projects, provided direct relief to the unemployed, increased regulations on banks, and provided mortgage relief to home and farm owners.
Since the Depression, it is assumed that the government has an ongoing responsibility to manage the economy. This is achieved through the implementation of fiscal policy and monetary policy.
Fiscal policy (taxing and spending) is worked out between the president and Congress. By raising and lowering taxes and spending levels, the government can add money to the economy during periods of recession and remove money from the economy during periods of inflation. Policymakers debate where tax relief should be aimed during periods of recession, and whether the government should run deficits.
Keynesian economists (named after the British economist John Maynard Keynes, famous for the observation that, "in the long run, we're all dead") argue that the taxes of middle- and low-income earners should be reduced to stimulate consumer spending and economic growth. When the economy is good, the government should run a surplus and save up—when it's bad, it should run a deficit and put money into the economy (whether through lower taxes or more spending) to stimulate growth. That's the thinking behind President Obama's policies in response to the economic crisis, including more than $700 billion in economic stimulus spending as part of the 2009 Recovery Act.
On the other hand, supply-side economists argue that that taxes on businesses and high-income earners should be reduced in order to free capital for investment and, therefore, job creation and economic growth. Lower taxes mean higher deficits; although supply-siders have argued that lower taxes will improve the economy and therefore increase government revenue, that hasn't happened. So supply-siders are divided between those who don't mind running deficits (like Presidents Reagan and Dubya), and those who want to cut government spending along with taxes.
Besides fiscal policy, there's also monetary policy (affecting how much money is in the economy at a given time). Monetary policy is set by the Federal Reserve, the central bank of the U.S. The Fed's goals include keeping employment as high as possible and keeping inflation as low as possible (which means that prices stay stable). By adjusting interest rates and reserve requirements and buying or selling bonds (open market operations), the Fed can inject more money into the economy during periods of recession or withdraw money from the economy during periods of inflation. In the recent economic crisis, it has lowered interest rates to make borrowing easier and inject money into the economy. Though the Fed's Chair and Board are appointed by the President and confirmed by Congress, the institution is designed to be insulated from political pressure.
Entitlements
Remember that line from Unit 2 about the federal government being an insurance company with an army? It's not that far from the truth—and with entitlement programs continuing to grow (especially as the Baby Boomers age and go onto Social Security and Medicare), it's only getting truer. The majority of government spending goes to guaranteed programs like these:
Social Security: A government pension program for retired workers and their survivors. Payroll taxes are withheld from current workers to provide monthly payments to retirees. Shrinking ratio of workers to retirees presents a future funding challenge. In 1950 the ratio was 16:1. Today it is 3:1. Retirement of Baby Boomers will reduce ratio to 2:1. Recommended solutions include raising payroll taxes on current workers, raising the retirement age, birthin' more babies (only kidding), and privatizing Social Security—that is, allowing workers to individually invest a portion of the dollars currently paid into the system.
Medicare. Government medical assistance for the elderly. Funded by payroll taxes paid by current workers and a tax on Social Security benefits. The funding challenge is similar to that facing Social Security. In addition, health care costs are rising faster than other expenses.
Medicaid. Medical assistance to low income families and the disabled. Funded by the state and federal governments. Rising health care costs also present funding challenges to this entitlement.
Unemployment Insurance. Funded by payroll taxes paid by employers and collected and administered by the states in accordance with federal guidelines.
Poverty
President Lyndon B. Johnson (who created Medicare and Medicaid) also declared war on poverty in the 1960s. Poverty is still winning (but probably only because the White House is afraid to use nuclear anti-poverty weapons). However, the government does provide direct relief through programs like Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (what people are usually talking about when they mention "welfare"), Supplemental Public Assistance, and food stamps. Funded by the federal government and administered by the states, these offer examples of cooperative or marble cake federalism (remember that from Unit 1?). The federal government addresses poverty less directly through job-training programs and early childhood educational programs like Head Start.
Civil Rights
The judicial branch has played the biggest role in broadening protections for Americans' civil rights (they still feel bad about that whole "separate but equal" thing). We'll talk about Supreme Court decisions on civil rights in the next unit, but for now, we should save some space for some of the landmark civil rights laws passed by Congress.
After the passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments in the 1860s, Congress didn't do much at all about racial discrimination for the next 100 years. (Note to Congress: abolishing slavery was nice and all, but did you actually expect to coast on that accomplishment for a century?) But things changed in the 1960s, the decade of hippies, the Beatles, and (incidentally) the end of segregation. During this decade, Congress prohibited employment discrimination and discrimination in public accommodations under the Civil Rights Act of 1964, protected voter rights in the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and prohibited housing discrimination in the Civil Rights Act of 1968. During the 1970s, the federal government also began to require that the state and federal governments, as well as all private contractors and entities receiving any government money, have an affirmative action program designed to increase minority participation.
Gender-wise, it also took Congress until the 1960s to get off of its butt. Even though women were granted the vote by the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, it took until the Equal Pay Act of 1963 to require equal pay for equal work, regardless of gender, and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to prohibit employment discrimination on the basis of gender. (That's the same Civil Rights Act as above—the part on gender discrimination was actually added by an opponent of the law in order to make it fail, but it passed anyway. Joke's on you, sexists!) And in 1972 Congress passed Title IX, requiring that schools provide equal opportunities to women and men, including athletic opportunities. Today, thanks to Congress, women can dunk!
Education
On the plus side, as noted above, you can thank the federal government for women who can dunk. On the minus side, you can thank the federal government for an increasing number of obnoxious standardized tests with Scantron forms. Pencils down!
Education is still primarily a state and local issue, but the federal role in education has grown rapidly since 2002's No Child Left Behind Act, an important domestic priority of President Bush. The act links federal funding for districts to student performance of standardized tests.
Supporters argue that improving America's schools is dependent on increasing accountability by establishing measurable instructional targets. Critics argue that standardized tests poorly measure student progress, teachers are forced to "teach to the test," and the legislation was not fully funded. President Obama's most important education initiative has been the Race to the Top program, a competitive grant program that rewards states for raising education standards.
Health Care
You've probably heard a bit about this one. The one with the death panels?
Actually, President Obama's health care reform bill, the Affordable Care Act, didn't create any death panels, but it did respond to an issue that has been on the national agenda for a long time. Presidents since Harry Truman have advocated for universal health care. More recently, George W. Bush, though he wasn't an advocate of universal health care, did expand health care access by adding a prescription drug benefit to Medicare.
The Affordable Care Act does not create a single-payer system, as in Canada (like Medicare for everyone, in which the government acts as a health insurance company for everyone) or a national health care system, as in the U.K. (where the government also runs the hospitals). But it does extend health care to nearly all Americans through a number of steps: preventing insurance companies from denying patients on the grounds that they aren't healthy enough, expanding coverage through subsidies, setting up "insurance exchanges" intended to work like competitive markets to reduce insurance costs, mandating that companies above a certain size provide insurance to their employees, and mandating that all individuals carry health insurance (to prevent healthy people from waiting until they are sick to buy coverage).
Study Break
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