**Growth Bad – Topshelf



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Impact – Poverty 2AC

Economic growth is not only sustainable for the economy but also drastically helps the poor.


Ridley 14 [April 25, 2014, Matt Ridley, "The World's Resources Aren't Running Out," WSJ, http://www.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304279904579517862612287156, online, RaMan]

But apart from improvements in longevity, happiness, health, education, safety and environmental quality, what has economic growth done for the poor? Chapter Two showed that absolute poverty is declining around the world. The fraction of the world’s population living on less than $1 or $2 per day dropped rapidly over the twentieth century. The benefits of growth in New Zealand also have been widely shared. Figure 5, below, charts average income per adult in New Zealand as well as average incomes excluding the top 10% of earners. Average real incomes rose from about $23,000 in 1953 to over $41,000 in 2011. Average earnings for the bottom 90% rose from $16,500 to $31,800, almost doubling, in real terms, from 1953 to 2011. Economic growth from 1953 to 2011 reduced inequality between the bottom 90% and the top 10%. Growth in incomes has been strongest, relatively speaking, for those outside of the top 10%. Figure 5 shows income growth relative to a 1953 baseline. The data series starts in 1953 because, before that, a different measure of household earnings was used making the earlier data not comparable to the later figures. The table sets 1953’s income equal to 100 for all three groups, then traces the growth since then. While the earnings of the top 1% grew rapidly from 1988 to 1999, over the longer period, the top 1% have not fared nearly as well. Incomes for the bottom 90% almost doubled from 1988 to 1999. The top 1% and 10% are up by half as much: incomes of both groups are 50% higher than in 1953. Unfortunately, the World Top Incomes Database used in the charts above does not provide more details about income growth for those outside the top 10%. For that, we need to turn to the Ministry of Social Development’s recent report on trends in inequality and hardship from 1982 to 2013.59 THE CASE FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH 33 Figure 6 plots income growth since 1982 for households in the second, fourth, sixth and eighth deciles. Twenty percent of households earn as much or less than the figure reported for the second decile; 40% earn as much as or less than the fourth decile, and so on. Figure 6: Household Income Growth Since 1982 Income 1 40 130 1 20 1 10 1 00 90 80 70 60 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2001 2004 2007 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 DECILE 2 DECILE 4 DECILE 6 DECILE 8 Y EARS Source: Author’s calculations from appendices to Perry, 2014.60 In all cases, incomes declined in real terms from 1982 to 1994, followed by strong growth. Households in the eighth-decile earned 30% more in 2013 than eighth-decile households in 1982. Households in the second decile earned 20% more in 2013 than second-decile households in 1982. And the figures above show that earners in the bottom 90% experienced strong income growth from 1953 to 1971, with stagnation from the early 1970s until the late 1980s or early 1990s, depending on the income group. An alternative approach is to compare earnings for the bottom and top 40% of households. Figure 7 compares income growth at the midpoint of the second and third deciles – a measure of the median earnings of the bottom 40% – with income growth at the midpoint of the seventh and eighth deciles – a measure of the median earnings of the top 40%.While incomes grew more strongly for those in the top 40% than for those in the bottom 40% since the early 1980s, both groups have shared in the strong growth since 1994. Bryan Perry’s report for the Ministry of Social Development concludes: There is no evidence of any sustained rise or fall in inequality in the last two decades. The level of household disposable income inequality in New Zealand is a little above the OECD median. The share of total income received by the top 1% of individuals is at the low end of the OECD rankings.62 Bad economic policy in the 1970s, combined with worsening trade conditions, made the 1970s a lost decade; recovering from the Muldoon era took the bulk of the 1980s. The economic reforms of the 1980s were necessary, but they were hard – especially for poorer groups. Businesses had to learn how to operate in a new open and competitive environment; too many lower skilled workers had too few options when production lines rationalised. The period from 1982 to the early 1990s was terrible for workers in the bottom 40%. But by 2009, rapid income growth in the bottom 40% made up much of the difference. It is then not surprising that child poverty rates, as measured as the proportion of children in low-income households, measured after THE CASE FOR ECONOMIC GROWTH 35 housing costs, rose from about 15% in the 1980s to peak near 35% in the mid- 1990s, before dropping to just over 20% by 2013.63 As poverty rates in this kind of measure are based on a household’s income relative to the median, gains in median income will increase measured child poverty unless there is a parallel increase in household incomes for poorer households. The rise in housing costs over the 1990s and 2000s, largely due to tighter council restrictions on the supply of new housing, has also hurt poorer families. Households on less than half the median income have a much harder time making ends meet, after housing costs, than when councils encouraged more building. The Ministry of Social Development report cited above notes that after-housing-cost incomes for low-income households are no better than they were in the 1980s. The benefits of economic growth ring a bit hollow when all income gains are eaten up in higher rents. Addressing restrictive land use policies that prevent both building up and building out will consequently be an important part of improving real after-housing-cost incomes for those at the bottom.64
Poverty outweighs nuke war

Abu-Jamal 1998 (Mumia, Peace Activist, “A Quiet and Deadly Violence,” FLASHPOINTS, September 19, 1998, available online at http://www.flashpoints.net/mQuietDeadlyViolence.html, accessed 6/30/07)
This form of violence, not covered by any of the majoritarian, corporate, ruling-class protected media, is invisible to us and because of its invisibility, all the more insidious. How dangerous is it--really? Gilligan notes: [E]very fifteen years, on the average, as many people die because of relative poverty as would be killed in a nuclear war that caused 232 million deaths; and every single year, two to three times as many people die from poverty throughout the world as were killed by the Nazi genocide of the Jews over a six-year period. This is, in effect, the equivalent of an ongoing, unending, in fact accelerating, thermonuclear war, or genocide on the weak and poor every year of every decade, throughout the world. [Gilligan, p. 196] Worse still, in a thoroughly capitalist society, much of that violence became internalized, turned back on the Self, because, in a society based on the priority of wealth, those who own nothing are taught to loathe themselves, as if something is inherently wrong with themselves, instead of the social order that promotes this self-loathing.. This vicious, circular, and invisible violence, unacknowledged by the corporate media, uncriticized in substandard educational systems, and un-understood by the very folks who suffer in its grips, feeds on the spectacular and more common forms of violence that the system makes damn sure -that we can recognize and must react to it. This fatal and systematic violence may be called The War on the Poor.

Impact – Poverty Ext.




Economic growth solves poverty – empirics


Agrawal 15 Pradeep Agrawal is the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Chair Professor of Economics and Head of the RBI Endowment Unit at the Institute of Economic Growth, New Delhi, where he has been the Officiating Director. He has also been the Director of the Research Center and Associate Dean of Research at the Kazakhstan Institute of Economics, Management and Strategic Research, Kazakhstan Professor Agrawal took his MS and PhD degrees in economics from Stanford University, “Economic Growth: The Key to Poverty Reduction in India”, Mar 26, 2015, https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=pIlsCQAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA17&dq=%22economic+growth%22+%22reduces%22+%22poverty%22+%22income+inequality%22&ots=8aCT-ERaRp&sig=-Ld0SJMASCKnspag16neriX5HT8#v=onepage&q&f=false

Many economic studies have emphasized the role of higher economic growth to tackle the problem of poverty. This has been supported empirically by the work of Tendulkar (1998), Ravallion and Dart (1996) and Besley and Robins (2000). Using data from nearly 80 countries, Kray (2006) shows that in the medium-to-long-run, between 66 per cent and 90 per cent of the variation in changes in poverty can be accounted for by growth in average incomes, and all of the remainder is due to changes in relative incomes. The role of economic growth in poverty reduction has also been supported by Deaton and Dreze (2001), Bhagwati (2001) and Dart and Ravalion (2002). Sen (1996) has strongly emphasized the need for higher government expenditure on social assistance to the poor, especially in provision of education, as the most important determinants of poverty reduction. However, since government social expenditure that helps the poor is dependent on government revenue, which in turn grows with economic growth, the key role of economic growth is likely. in this chapter, we examine these issues empirically for India and show that economic growth indeed plays a key role in poverty reduction. Rates tend to be associated with more rapid reduction in poverty. We show with the help of national-level data that this result holds for India. Growth is considered pro-poor if the income share of the poor rises with growth (their incomes grow faster than that of the non-poor). We found evidence that inequality has declined slightly over the recent high growth period in India, and that it has also been accompanied by reduction in the poverty gap and severity. This evidence provides support for the view that the recent high growth period in India has been pro-poor. We consider how growth might reduce poverty. We show that higher growth was associated with higher employment creation and higher real wages. We also examine whether government revenue and expenditure improved with growth in India, which helped reduce poverty. We show that real government revenue and expenditure per capita increased with growth and, in turn, these translated into a corresponding improvement in expenditure on the social sectors (education, health and welfare expenditures). These contributed to poverty reduction and making growth pro-poor during the recent high growth period. Given the importance of growth, India needs to follow policies helpful in sustaining high rates of growth. These include the creation of a stable macroeconomic environment, good infrastructure, well functioning education and health services for the poor, well functioning and inclusive financial system and good governance. We also need to pay special attention to the education sector and developing our human resources. Failure to sustain high growth will prove quite disastrous in terms of poverty reduction and development. But if we are able to sustain high growth, it will give India an excellent chance to reduce poverty significantly and meet various development goals, especially if the government takes steps to increase support for infrastructure development, education and health services, etc.

Policy Reforms that emphasize growth are critical to reducing income inequality and poverty


Hoeller et al. 14 PETER HOELLER is the Head of Division of the Public Economics Division at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, ISABELLE JOUMARD is a Senior Economist Country Studies - India/Slovenia Desk OECD Economics Department, ISABELL KOSKE is an Advisor, Office of the Secretary-General, OECD, February 18, 2014, “REDUCING INCOME INEQUALITY WHILE BOOSTING ECONOMIC GROWTH: CAN IT BE DONE? EVIDENCE FROM OECD COUNTRIES”, http://www.worldscientific.com/doi/pdf/10.1142/S0217590814500015

Growth-enhancing policy reforms that are likely to reduce income inequality (1) Improving the quality and reach of education Reforms to increase human capital are important for improving living standards, and are also likely to reduce labor income inequality. New analysis shows that a rise in the share of workers with upper secondary education is associated with a decline in labor earnings inequality (Fournier and Koske, 2012). Examples of policy initiatives to raise upper secondary education attainment include inter alia enhanced accountability for schools, better teacher recruitment and training and special support for pupils at risk of dropping out. Encouraging more students to pursue tertiary studies may have a more ambiguous effect on earnings inequality. Such reforms tend to widen income dispersion by increasing the share of high-wage earners (the composition effect). On the other hand, new research suggests that this effect may be more than offset by a decline in the returns to tertiary education relative to the returns to lower levels of education (Koske et al., 2012). Tuition fees that make students share at least part of the cost of tertiary education could lower disposable income inequality (as the current financing of education is regressive), provided overall quality and allocation of human capital and, ultimately, productivity. At the same time, a more equitable distribution of educational opportunities has been shown to result in a more equitable distribution of labor income (De Gregorio and Lee, 2002). Examples of reforms include postponing early tracking, strengthening links between school and home to help disadvantaged children learn and providing early childhood care and basic schooling for all. The latter may yield large positive returns over an individual’s entire lifetime, particularly for the most disadvantaged (Chetty et al., 2011; OECD, 2006). (3) Reducing the gap between employment protection on temporary and permanent work If employment protection11 is much stricter for regular than for temporary contracts, workers at the margin of the labor market — such as young people — risk getting trapped in a situation where they move between temporary work and unemployment without getting into permanent work. This can have adverse implications for human capital and career progression (OECD, 2004) and, ultimately, income equality and economic growth. New OECD analysis finds that low-income workers on temporary contracts earn less than workers with similar characteristics on permanent contracts (Fournier and Koske, 2012). This is not the case for higher-income workers. Tentative evidence on the size of the effect illustrated in Table 1 suggests, for example, that reducing protection for permanent work from the level observed in Germany (third-highest level) to that observed in Finland (which is about OECD average) while increasing protection for temporary work from the level observed in the United Kingdom (second-lowest level) to that observed in Finland (which is about OECD average) would reduce the 90/1 percentile ratio by about 0.24 (which is about 7% of the average 90/10 percentile ratio in OECD countries). More even job protection for temporary and permanent contracts is also likely to reduce the income gap between immigrants and non-immigrants, as previous studies have shown that immigrants suffer disproportionately from contractrelated labor market dualism (Causa and Jean, 2007). (4) Increasing spending on active labor market policies High social benefits can reduce the incentives for work and employment. Active labor market policies may limit these adverse effects by better matching jobs with skills and enhancing job search support and monitoring. Existing empirical evidence suggests indeed that active labor market policies raise employment (Bassanini and Duval, 2006). This should entail positive effects for both GDP per capita and labor income equality. Programme design is key to reaping such gains, however (Martin and Grubb, 2001). (5) Promoting the integration of immigrants Better integration of immigrants in the labor market can both reduce inequality and raise GDP per capita through higher labor force participation. Targeted policies, such as language courses, and transparent systems of recognizing foreign qualifications should help to close the gap between immigrants and non-immigrants’ labor market performance. 11Employment protection refers both to regulations concerning hiring (e.g., rules favoring disadvantaged groups, conditions for using temporary or fixed-term contracts, training requirements) and firing (e.g., redundancy procedures, mandatory notification periods and severance payments, special requirements for collective dismissals and short-time work schemes). The Singapore Economic Review 1450001-16 Singapore Econ. Rev. 2014.59. Downloaded from www.worldscientific.com by 35.0.56.250 on 07/15/15. For personal use only. (6) Improving labor market outcomes of women Women tend to take on more caring responsibilities than men, meaning they work fewer hours and thus take home less pay. Arguably, their higher labor supply elasticity should lead women to be taxed at a lower rate than men. Since this is not feasible in practice, policies to improve the availability of formal care for children and the elderly can serve as an alternative solution. Such policies should help to reduce gender differences in working hours and — at least to the extent that hourly wages are little affected — pay, and at the same time improve long-run living standards through higher participation rates. (7) Fighting discrimination Since at least part of the earnings gap between immigrants and non-immigrants and between men and women is likely to be due to discrimination (Koske et al., 2012), more effective legal rules (e.g., legal action against those who engage in discriminatory practices) could also help. (8) Taxing in a way that allows equitable growth Taxes do not only affect the distribution of income; they also affect GDP per capita by influencing labor use and productivity, or both (Johansson et al., 2008). Some tax reforms appear to be win–win options–improving growth prospects while narrowing the distribution of income. Many, however, may imply trade-offs between these objectives. Following the same approach as for labor market, product market and education policies discussed above (Table 2), these complementarities and trade-offs are drawn out in Table 3. The findings in Table 3 and in the literature suggest some policy options that could promote growth and reduce inequality: (i) Re-assess tax expenditures that benefit mainly high-income groups (e.g., tax relief on mortgage interest). Cutting back such tax expenditures is likely to be beneficial both for long-term GDP per capita, allowing a reduction in marginal tax rates, and for a more equitable distribution of income. Lowering tax expenditures would also reduce the complexity of the tax system, and thus tax compliance and collection costs. (ii) Reduce distortions in taxing capital income. Tax relief — such as reduced taxation for capital gains from the sale of a principal or secondary residence — often distorts resource allocation without boosting aggregate savings and growth, and benefits mainly high-income groups. Specific tax relief may also provide tax avoidance instruments for top-income earners. In particular, there is little justification for tax breaks for stock options and carried interest. Raising such taxes would increase equity and allow a growth-enhancing cut in marginal labor income tax rates.

Impact – Russia War 2AC

Economic growth promotes Russia’s economic integration globally


Mankoff 14 Jeffrey Mankoff, a specialist in Eurasian/Russian affairs, is adjunct fellow for Russia studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and associate director of International Security Studies at Yale University, May 14, 2014, “The Russian Economic Crisis”, https://books.google.com/books?id=bDfQdcC3L80C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false

As Russia struggles to get its economy back on track, its capacity for foreign adventures will likely remain limited. Yet Medvedev's focus on improving Russia's competitiveness provides an opportunity for pragmatic, economically focused engagement by the West. The United States and its allies have an opportunity to focus on concrete steps that buttress Russia's recovery and adherence to international economic norms. Although it has long been in the West's interest to build a pragmatic relationship with Moscow based on a limited set of mutual interests, the reality of the financial crisis has made that reconfiguration at once more feasible for the West and more urgent for Russia. It may take time for Western engagement to have an appreciable impact at the economic level, but Russia's present struggles mean that the West has a finite window of opportunity to take concrete political steps to show Moscow that if it plays by the rules, it will be accepted and respected as a player in the global economy. It is therefore imperative that the West and Russia make real progress on Moscow's economic integration now, before the crisis in Russia ebbs—and, with it, the opportunity to make the case that global integration is the surest way for Russia to achieve its goal of being a powerful and respected international actor.


Russia nuclear war causes extinction

Bostrom 2 (Nick Bostrom 2, PhD, Faculty of Philosophy, Oxford University, www.nickbostrom.com)
A much greater existential risk emerged with the build-up of nuclear arsenals in the US and the USSR. An all-out nuclear war was a possibility with both a substantial probability and with consequences that might have been persistent enough to qualify as global and terminal. There was a real worry among those best acquainted with the information available at the time that a nuclear Armageddon would occur and that it might annihilate our species or permanently destroy human civilization.[4]  Russia and the US retain large nuclear arsenals that could be used in a future confrontation, either accidentally or deliberately. There is also a risk that other states may one day build up large nuclear arsenals. Note however that a smaller nuclear exchange, between India and Pakistan for instance, is not an existential risk, since it would not destroy or thwart humankind’s potential permanently.

Impact – Terror 2AC

Economic growth makes terrorism less likely


Maximino 15 Martin Maximino, Master in Public Policy Harvard Kennedy School, June 3, 2015, “The relationship between terrorism and economic growth: New research” http://journalistsresource.org/studies/international/conflicts/relationship-between-economic-growth-terrorism-new-research#sthash.lR5pQlyr.dpuf

This study provides new and interesting insights for two reasons. First, the author introduces a distinction between agricultural and industrial economic growth, as opposed to a single economic output indicator. Choi notes that “only some forms of economic growth are associated with terrorist activity, and even then, they only correlate with particular forms of terrorist attacks.” Second, the study measures the impact of economic growth on three expressions of terrorism, as opposed to a single, homogeneous indicator of terrorist violence. Importantly, previous studies focus on one modality of terrorism, “under the implicit assumption that terrorist groups will use the same conventional attack tactics despite the continuously enhanced security environment.” The author distinguishes between international terrorism — involving at least two different nationals — domestic terrorism — wherein the victims and perpetrators are from the venue country — and suicide attacks, when a terrorist purposefully dies in the process of carrying out his or her mission. The study’s findings include: Higher industrial economic growth is associated with lower levels of international and domestic terrorist violence: “It appears that if industrial growth increases by 1%, the percent change in the incidence rate of domestic terrorism is a 1% decrease while holding the other variables constant; for the incidence rate of international terrorism, there is a 1% decrease.” Growth in the agricultural sector, by contrast, does not rise to statistical significance and may have “no bearing on terrorist behavior.” Conversely, a higher level of industrial economic growth is associated with higher levels of suicide attacks. Specifically, “If a country were to increase its industrial growth by 1%, its relative change in the expected number of suicide terrorism would be expected to increase by 2%, while holding all other variables in the model constant.” Among the control variables, Income Inequality, Democracy, and Post-Cold War were not statistically related across the two models designed. On the other hand, “the coefficients of State Failure and Population achieve significance with a positive sign regardless of the type of terrorism.” Although the assumption has been that fast and steady growth would provide more opportunities for potential terrorists and their would-be sympathizers to participate in the economy, and thereby reduce terrorist activity, the study’s data do not support that notion: “The findings are not all optimistic because a well-functioning market economy based on quick-paced but steady economic growth is not necessarily a cure-all solution for growing terrorist threats.” Further, the study’s analysis does not support the idea that social cleavages – specifically, an expanding gap between the rich and the poor and the resulting grievances of economic losers – necessarily increases terrorist activity. The data does, however, support the theory of “hard targets,” which predicts that “as states become richer and better able to defend targets, suicide attacks are used more often.” The study has a number of policy implications, the author notes: “Overall, the results of this study demonstrate that economic growth is not a cure-all solution for terrorism because in some instances it may breed more terrorism. Nevertheless, healthy economic conditions are certainly beneficial to the war on terrorism because the majority of suicide attacks occur in only a few countries.”
WMD terror is likely and causes extinction

Nathan Myhrvold '13, Phd in theoretical and mathematical physics from Princeton, and founded Intellectual Ventures after retiring as chief strategist and chief technology officer of Microsoft Corporation , July 2013, "Stratgic Terrorism: A Call to Action," The Lawfare Research Paper Series No.2, http://www.lawfareblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/Strategic-Terrorism-Myhrvold-7-3-2013.pdf



Several powerful trends have aligned to profoundly change the way that the world works. Technology ¶ now allows stateless groups to organize, recruit, and fund themselves in an unprecedented fashion. That, coupled with the extreme difficulty of finding and punishing a stateless group, means that stateless groups are positioned to be lead players on the world stage. They may act on their own, or they may act as proxies for nation-states that wish to duck responsibility. Either way, stateless groups are forces ¶ to be reckoned with.¶ At the same time, a different set of technology trends means that small numbers of people can obtain incredibly lethal power. Now, for the first time in human history, a small group can be as lethal as the largest superpower. Such ¶ a group could execute an attack that could kill millions of ¶ people. It is technically feasible for such a group to kill billions of people, to end modern civilization—perhaps even ¶ to drive the human race to extinction. Our defense establishment was shaped over decades to ¶ address what was, for a long time, the only strategic threat ¶ our nation faced: Soviet or Chinese missiles. More recently, ¶ it has started retooling to address tactical terror attacks like ¶ those launched on the morning of 9/11, but the reform ¶ process is incomplete and inconsistent. A real defense will require rebuilding our military and intelligence capabilities from the ground up. Yet, so far, strategic terrorism has ¶ received relatively little attention in defense agencies, and ¶ the efforts that have been launched to combat this existential threat seem fragmented.¶ History suggests what will happen. The only thing ¶ that shakes America out of complacency is a direct threat ¶ from a determined adversary that confronts us with our ¶ shortcomings by repeatedly attacking us or hectoring us for ¶ decades

Impact – War 2AC

An unstable economy causes war—empirics prove


Mead 09 [February 4, 2009, Walter Russell Mead (James Clarke Chace Professor of Foreign Affairs and Humanities at Bard College and Professor of American foreign policy at Yale University), “Only Makes You Stronger: Why the Recession Bolstered America”, online, http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/2169866/posts, February 4, RaMan]

But, in many other countries where capitalism rubs people the wrong way, this is not the case. On either side of the Atlantic, for example, the Latin world is often drawn to anti-capitalist movements and rulers on both the right and the left. Russia, too, has never really taken to capitalism and liberal society--whether during the time of the czars, the commissars, or the post-cold war leaders who so signally failed to build a stable, open system of liberal democratic capitalism even as many former Warsaw Pact nations were making rapid transitions. Partly as a result of these internal cultural pressures, and partly because, in much of the world, capitalism has appeared as an unwelcome interloper, imposed by foreign forces and shaped to fit foreign rather than domestic interests and preferences, many countries are only half-heartedly capitalist. When crisis strikes, they are quick to decide that capitalism is a failure and look for alternatives. So far, such half-hearted experiments not only have failed to work; they have left the societies that have tried them in a progressively worse position, farther behind the front-runners as time goes by. Argentina has lost ground to Chile; Russian development has fallen farther behind that of the Baltic states and Central Europe. Frequently, the crisis has weakened the power of the merchants, industrialists, financiers, and professionals who want to develop a liberal capitalist society integrated into the world. Crisis can also strengthen the hand of religious extremists, populist radicals, or authoritarian traditionalists who are determined to resist liberal capitalist society for a variety of reasons. Meanwhile, the companies and banks based in these societies are often less established and more vulnerable to the consequences of a financial crisis than more established firms in wealthier societies. As a result, developing countries and countries where capitalism has relatively recent and shallow roots tend to suffer greater economic and political damage when crisis strikes--as, inevitably, it does. And, consequently, financial crises often reinforce rather than challenge the global distribution of power and wealth. This may be happening yet again. None of which means that we can just sit back and enjoy the recession. History may suggest that financial crises actually help capitalist great powers maintain their leads--but it has other, less reassuring messages as well. If financial crises have been a normal part of life during the 300-year rise of the liberal capitalist system under the Anglophone powers, so has war. The wars of the League of Augsburg and the Spanish Succession; the Seven Years War; the American Revolution; the Napoleonic Wars; the two World Wars; the cold war: The list of wars is almost as long as the list of financial crises. Bad economic times can breed wars. Europe was a pretty peaceful place in 1928, but the Depression poisoned German public opinion and helped bring Adolf Hitler to power. If the current crisis turns into a depression, what rough beasts might start slouching toward Moscow, Karachi, Beijing, or New Delhi to be born? The United States may not, yet, decline, but, if we can't get the world economy back on track, we may still have to fight.


Impact – War Ext.

Growth promotes peace


Qian 14 Joseph Cheng Qian, Master of Arts in Global Security Studies, John Hopkins University, “THE EFFECT OF TRADE, RESOURCES, AND MIGRATION ON CONFLICT”, https://jscholarship.library.jhu.edu/bitstream/handle/1774.2/37270/QIAN-THESIS-2014.pdf?sequence=1

Through economic interdependence, countries have drastically increased opportunities for interactions among societies that are often correlated with peaceful coexistence. Keohane and Nye observe that improvements in relations increase the cost of using military force, "there is no guarantee that military means will be more effective than economic ones to achieve a given purpose.”13 These ideas stretch back to the early 20th century with scholars such as Norman Angell declaring that economic interdependence rendered wars irrational and looked forward to the day when they would become obsolete. 14 Trade and Conflict Trade has always been referred to as the interdependent nature of open markets and the idea of comparative advantage. Trade is positively correlated with economic gains as actors often find that interdependence fosters economic cooperation through migration, tourism, and the promotion of exchanges creating a mutually beneficial economic relationship.15 Scholars who have identified a strong correlation between trade and conflict such as Edward Mansfield note that the majority of existing literature emphasizes that trade, especially in the form of agreements enhances market access for goods, services, and investments. In addition to liberalizing and increasing the flow of overseas commerce, these institutions are designed to stabilize and reduce volatility in policy and flow of goods and services by constraining states from introducing new trade barriers and fostering policy transparency and convergence in expectations, standards, and stability.16 Mansfield continues to argue that trade institutions reduce the variability of trade flows in three complementary ways. First, institutions help enforce existing market access commitments and deter the erection of new protectionist barriers that could otherwise precipitate fluctuations in trade. Second, trade institutions foster transparency and policy convergence among member-states. Third, such institutions change certain characteristics of markets, precipitating responses by private traders that reduce the volatility of crossborder transactions.17 J.D. Morrow brings up the conflict dimension by highlighting that trade flows could reduce the risk of escalation by increasing the range of costly signals of resolve in a crisis.18 Hegre et al. bring in themes of governance and fear of consequences in their study. They find that commerce promotes peace because violence has substantial costs. Economically important trade reduces conflict because interstate violence adversely affects commerce. If conflict did not impede trade, economic agents would be indifferent to risk and the maximization of profit. Because conflict is costly, trade should reduce interstate violence. Otherwise, national leaders would be insensitive to economic loss and the preferences of powerful domestic actors. The economic cost of conflict should reduce the likelihood of military conflict, ceteris paribus, if national leaders are rational.19

Economic growth is empirically shown to decrease conflict


Kim and Conceição 10 Namsuk Kim and Pedro Conceição, Kim works with the United Nations - Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Conceição with the United Nations Development Programme, Spring/Summer 2010, “THE ECONOMIC CRISIS, VIOLENT CONFLICT, AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT” https://www.gmu.edu/programs/icar/ijps/vol15_1/KimConceicao15n1.pdf

While there are a number of factors that could cause conflict, empirical studies find that poor economic performance is associated with higher incidence of conflict. Being a poor country is correlated with most forms of violence (UNDP, 2008a). Growth rates are also strongly associated with risks of conflict in developing countries. If the growth rate in developing countries is increased by 1 percentage point from the mean, the risk of conflict decreases by 0.6 percentage points to 4.0 percent (Collier et al., 2009). Kang and Meernik (2005) show that the growth rate in conflict countries in the five years prior to conflict, including cases of conflict recurrence, was on average 0.5 percent compared to 2 percent in the countries that remained peaceful. Figure 2 shows that economic development and conflicts are observed to be clearly related. The level of GDP is negatively correlated with observing a new conflict. Collier et al. (2009) finds that the predicted risk for a hypothetical country with characteristics set at the study‟s sample mean was 4.6 percent. If the level of per capita income were to be halved from this level, the risk would be increased to 5.3 percent. Growth rates are also strongly associated with risks of conflict in developing countries. If the growth rate in developing countries is increased by 1 percentage point from the mean, the risk of conflict decreases by 0.6 percentage points to 4.0 percent (Collier et al., 2009). Kang and Meernik (2005) show that the growth rate in conflict countries in the five years prior to conflict, including cases of conflict recurrence, was on average 0.5 percent compared to 2 percent in countries that remained peaceful. Empirical analysis of growth and conflict has inherent data limitations, but some recent studies using more careful methodology shows a strong causal link running from poor economic performance to conflict. One problem is that the direction of impact between the income per capita and conflict can run both ways. Assuming a priori oneway causality – that is, ignoring endogeneity – in regression analysis can result in biased estimates. Other information used in the empirical studies, such as income inequality, population, ethnic distribution, are also subject to difficulties of econometric identification and data quality (Hegre and Sambanis, 2006; Sambanis, 2004).To address the endogeneity problem, some studies adopt instrumental variable analysis, using a strictly exogenous variable that moves with income per capita, but not with conflict. For instance, Miguel, Satyanath and Sergenti (2004) use annual changes in rainfall data as an instrument for income growth. They find that the rainfall data predicts growth fluctuation in agricultural economies in Africa, and that income shocks are drivers of conflict. Besley and Persson (2008) and Bazzi and Blattman (2008) use international commodity price 34 The Economic Crisis, Violent Conflict, and Human Development and trade shocks as the exogenous variables, but they find that the evidence on the relationship between economic shocks as drivers of conflict is mixed. Not only the economic performance variables (level of income or growth rate), but other components of human development, such as education attainment, may also affect the risk of conflict. Stylzed facts suggest that education outcomes are closely linked with the outbreak of conflict. Collier and Hoeffler (2004) find strong evidence that higher levels of secondary school attainment are associated with a lower risk of civil war. If the enrollment rate is 10 percentage points higher than the average in their sample, the risk of war is reduced by about three percentage points (a decline in the risk from 11.5 percent to 8.6 percent). This draws on date that refers to the period between 1960 and 1999 for developing countries. Very few countries with low human development could achieve high levels of political stability. We use the Human Development Index (HDI) to measure the human development (UNDP, 2008b), and the Political Stability and Absence of Violence reported in Kaufmann et al. (2009, p.6) to capture perceptions of the likelihood that the government will be destabilized or overthrown by unconstitutional or violent means, including politically-motivated violence and terrorism. Figure 3 plots the political stability indicator and HDI for 178 countries. High values of the political stability indicator imply that the country suffers less violence, and the high HDI represents high levels of human development. The figure suggests that high HDI (say, above 0.5) does not guarantee high political stability. However, low HDI (below 0.5) is clearly associated with political instability (below zero).

Economic Interdependence and integration foster international peace


Allen 14 David Allen, graduated from Duke in 2014, Spring 2014, “Angell’s Missing Link: Why Peaceful Interdependence May Require Economic Voting”, Duke Political Science Standard, http://polisci.duke.edu/uploads/media_items/dpss14.original.pdf#page=39

This study has attempted to explore differences across time in the degree to which state leaders associate economic performance with electoral outcomes. In examining this relationship, I have sought to revitalize liberal theory on the peace-promoting nature of interdependence, by pro-posing a new causal mechanism to explain why Angell's propositions may have failed then but remain fundamentally relevant today. Indeed, it is possible that state leaders a century ago were more inclined to engage in conflict with trading partners, not expecting harmful economic out-comes to significantly undermine their political longevity. However, following World War I, state governments became increasingly involved in the domestic economy to bring stability and protection from unchecked market forces. In this new postwar economic order, economic outcomes were increasingly influenced by government policy. Social security and economic stability, more so than foreign objectives, became the new priority of governments. It is possible then that individuals began to view economic success as part of government's mandate. If this were the case, then we would expect individuals to incorporate economic performance into their rational decision-making process as voters, using economic data to evaluate political officeholders. State leaders, in turn, would feel greater pressure to deliver positive economic conditions. Since standing trade relationships are a necessary pillar of economic growth, it stands to reason that leaders would subsequently avoid foreign conflicts that could threaten those relationships. This represents a passible causal mechanism for peace through interdependence. When that pressure to produce positive economic outcomes is absent, however, the prospects for peace-promoting interdependence rapidly diminish. The goal of this essay has been to measure the changing extent to which leaders have felt this compulsion over time. If leaders today perceive a significant relationship between economic success and electoral outcomes, whereas leaders in Angell's time didn't, then we may have contributed to under-standing the failure of his theories one-hundred years ago, while preserving the validity of his rationale for the present-day. I tested for the relationship by using a bivariate regression model to compare changes in real personal income to changes in seat gains and losses in the U.S. House of Representatives I conducted this regression across separate time intervals in order to compare the strength of the relationship over time.



Economic decline inevitably leads to war


Roberts 15 [May 7, 2015, Paul Craig Roberts (American economist previously worked in the Reagan Administration), “War Threat Rises As Economy Declines”, http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2015/05/11/war-threat-rises-economy-declines-paul-craig-roberts/, RaMan]

The defining events of our time are the collapse of the Soviet Union, 9/11, jobs offshoring, and financial deregulation. In these events we find the basis of our foreign policy problems and our economic problems. The United States has always had a good opinion of itself, but with the Soviet collapse self-satisfaction reached new heights. We became the exceptional people, the indispensable people, the country chosen by history to exercise hegemony over the world. This neoconservative doctrine releases the US government from constraints of international law and allows Washington to use coercion against sovereign states in order to remake the world in its own image. To protect Washington’s unique Uni-power status that resulted from the Soviet collapse, Paul Wolfowitz in 1992 penned what is known as the Wolfowitz Doctrine. This doctrine is the basis for Washington’s foreign policy. The doctrine states: “Our first objective is to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival, either on the territory of the former Soviet Union or elsewhere, that poses a threat on the order of that posed formerly by the Soviet Union. This is a dominant consideration underlying the new regional defense strategy and requires that we endeavor to prevent any hostile power from dominating a region whose resources would, under consolidated control, be sufficient to generate global power.” In March of this year the Council on Foreign Relations extended this doctrine to China. Washington is now committed to blocking the rise of two large nuclear-armed countries. This commitment is the reason for the crisis that Washington has created in Ukraine and for its use as anti-Russian propaganda. China is now confronted with the Pivot to Asia and the construction of new US naval and air bases to ensure Washington’s control of the South China Sea, now defined as an area of American National Interests. 9/11 served to launch the neoconservatives’ war for hegemony in the Middle East. 9/11 also served to launch the domestic police state. While civil liberties have shriveled at home, the US has been at war for almost the entirety of the 21st century, wars that have cost us, according to Joseph Stiglitz and Linda Bilmes, at least $6 trillion dollars. These wars have gone very badly. They have destabilized governments in an important energy producing area. And the wars have vastly multiplied the “terrorists,” the quelling of which was the official reason for the wars. Just as the Soviet collapse unleashed US hegemony, it gave rise to jobs offshoring. The Soviet collapse convinced China and India to open their massive underutilized labor markets to US capital. US corporations, with any reluctant ones pushed by large retailers and Wall Street’s threat of financing takeovers, moved manufacturing, industrial, and tradable professional service jobs, such as software engineering, abroad. This decimated the American middle class and removed ladders of upward mobility. US GDP and tax base moved with the jobs to China and India. US real median family incomes ceased to grow and declined. Without income growth to drive the economy, Alan Greenspan resorted to an expansion of consumer debt, which has run its course. Currently there is nothing to drive the economy. When the goods and services produced by offshored jobs are brought to the US to be sold, they enter as imports, thus worsening the trade balance. Foreigners use their trade surpluses to acquire US bonds, equities, companies, and real estate. Consequently, interests, dividends, capital gains, and rents are redirected from Americans to foreigners. This worsens the current account deficit. In order to protect the dollar’s exchange value in the face of large current account deficits and money creation in support of the balance sheets of “banks too big to fail,” Washington has the Japanese and European central banks printing money hand over fist. The printing of yen and euros offsets the printing of dollars and thus protects the dollar’s exchange value. The Glass-Steagall Act that separated commercial and investment banking had been somewhat eroded prior to the total repeal during the second term of the Clinton regime. This repeal, together with the failure to regulate over the counter derivatives, the removal of position limits on speculators, and the enormous financial concentration that resulted from the dead letter status of anti-trust laws, produced not free market utopia but a serious and ongoing financial crisis. The liquidity issued in behalf of this crisis has resulted in stock and bond market bubbles. Implications, consequences, solutions: When Russia blocked the Obama regime’s planned invasion of Syria and intended bombing of Iran, the neoconservatives realized that while they had been preoccupied with their wars in the Middle East and Africa for a decade, Putin had restored the Russian economy and military. The first objective of the Wolfowitz doctrine–to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival–had been breached. Here was Russia telling the US “No.” The British Parliament joined in by vetoing UK participation in a US invasion of Syria. The Uni-Power status was shaken. This redirected the attention of the neoconservatives from the Middle East to Russia. Over the previous decade Washington had invested $5 billion in financing up-and-coming politicians in Ukraine and non-governmental organizations that could be sent into the streets in protests. When the president of Ukraine did a cost-benefit analysis of the proposed association of Ukraine with the EU, he saw that it didn’t pay and rejected it. At that point Washington called the NGOs into the streets. The neo-nazis added the violence and the government unprepared for violence collapsed. Victoria Nuland and Geoffrey Pyatt chose the new Ukrainian government and established a vassal regime in Ukraine. Washington hoped to use the coup to evict Russia from its Black Sea naval base, Russia’s only warm water port. However, Crimea, for centuries a part of Russia, elected to return to Russia. Washington was frustrated, but recovered from disappointment and described Crimean self-determination as Russian invasion and annexation. Washington used this propaganda to break up Europe’s economic and political relationships with Russia by pressuring Europe into sanctions against Russia. The sanctions have had adverse impacts on Europe. Additionally, Europeans are concerned with Washington’s growing belligerence. Europe has nothing to gain from conflict with Russia and fears being pushed into war. There are indications that some European governments are considering a foreign policy independent of Washington’s. The virulent anti-Russian propaganda and demonization of Putin has destroyed Russian confidence in the West. With the NATO commander Breedlove demanding more money, more troops, more bases on Russia’s borders, the situation is dangerous. In a direct military challenge to Moscow, Washington is seeking to incorporate both Ukraine and Georgia, two former Russian provinces, into NATO. On the economic scene the dollar as reserve currency is a problem for the entire world. Sanctions and other forms of American financial imperialism are causing countries, including very large ones, to leave the dollar payments system. As foreign trade is increasingly conducted without recourse to the US dollar, the demand for dollars drops, but the supply has been greatly expanded as a result of Quantitative Easing. Because of offshored production and US dependence on imports, a drop in the dollar’s exchange value would result in domestic inflation, further lowering US living standards and threatening the rigged, stock, bond, and precious metal markets. The real reason for Quantitative Easing is to support the banks’ balance sheets. However, the official reason is to stimulate the economy and sustain economic recovery. The only sign of recovery is real GDP which shows up as positive only because the deflator is understated. The evidence is clear that there has been no economic recovery. With the first quarter GDP negative and the second quarter likely to be negative as well, the second-leg of the long downturn could begin this summer. Moreover, the current high unemployment (23 percent) is different from previous unemployment. In the postwar 20th century, the Federal Reserve dealt with inflation by cooling down the economy. Sales would decline, inventories would build up, and layoffs would occur. As unemployment rose, the Fed would reverse course and workers would be called back to their jobs. Today the jobs are no longer there. They have been moved offshore. The factories are gone. There are no jobs to which to call workers back. To restore the economy requires that offshoring be reversed and the jobs brought back to the US. This could be done by changing the way corporations are taxed. The tax rate on corporate profit could be determined by the geographic location at which corporations add value to the products that they market in the US. If the goods and services are produced offshore, the tax rate would be high. If the goods and services are produced domestically, the tax rate could be low. The tax rates could be set to offset the lower costs of producing abroad. Considering the lobbying power of transnational corporations and Wall Street, this is an unlikely reform. My conclusion is that the US economy will continue its decline. On the foreign policy front, the hubris and arrogance of America’s self-image as the “exceptional, indispensable” country with hegemonic rights over other countries means that the world is primed for war. Neither Russia nor China will accept the vassalage status accepted by the UK, Germany, France and the rest of Europe, Canada, Japan and Australia. The Wolfowitz Doctrine makes it clear that the price of world peace is the world’s acceptance of Washington’s hegemony. Therefore, unless the dollar and with it US power collapses or Europe finds the courage to break with Washington and to pursue an independent foreign policy, saying good-bye to NATO, nuclear war is our likely future. Washington’s aggression and blatant propaganda have convinced Russia and China that Washington intends war, and this realization has drawn the two countries into a strategic alliance. Russia’s May 9 Victory Day celebration of the defeat of Hitler is a historical turning point. Western governments boycotted the celebration, and the Chinese were there in their place. For the first time Chinese soldiers marched in the parade with Russian soldiers, and the president of China sat next to the president of Russia. The Saker’s report on the Moscow celebration is interesting. http://thesaker.is/todays-victory-day-celebrations-in-moscow-mark-a-turning-point-in-russian-history/ Especially note the chart of World War II casualties. Russian casualties compared to the combined casualties of the US, UK, and France make it completely clear that it was Russia that defeated Hitler. In the Orwellian West, the latest rewriting of history leaves out of the story the Red Army’s destruction of the Wehrmacht. In line with the rewritten history, Obama’s remarks on the 70th anniversary of Germany’s surrender mentioned only US forces. In contrast Putin expressed gratitude to “the peoples of Great Britain, France and the United States of America for their contribution to the victory.” http://thesaker.is/15865/ For many years now the President of Russia has made the point publicly that the West does not listen to Russia. Washington and its vassal states in Europe, Canada, Australia, and Japan do not hear when Russia says “don’t push us this hard, we are not your enemy. We want to be your partners.” As the years have passed without Washington hearing, Russia and China have finally realized that their choice is vassalage or war. Had there been any intelligent, qualified people in the National Security Council, the State Department, or the Pentagon, Washington would have been warned away from the neocon policy of sowing distrust. But with only neocon hubris present in the government, Washington made the mistake that could be fateful for humanity.

Impact – Warming 2AC

Growth is key to green tech


Ben-Ami, 11 (Daniel Ben-Ami, journalist and author, regular contributor to spiked, has been published in the American, the Australian, Economist.com, Financial Times, the Guardian, the Independent, Novo (Germany), Ode (American and Dutch editions), Prospect, Shanghai Daily, the Sunday Telegraph, the Sunday Times, and Voltaire (Sweden), 2011 (“Do not knock prosperity that makes the good life possible,” Published Online for Shanghai Daily on June 15, 2011, Available Online at http://bit.ly/P9JUus)

Finally, there is the argument about the environment itself. The most popular variant of the idea of a natural limit nowadays is that growth inevitably means runaway climate change. However, there is plenty of evidence to the contrary. There are many forms of energy, including nuclear, that do not emit greenhouse gases. There are also ways to adapt to global warming such as building higher sea walls. Since such measures are expensive it will take more resources to pay for them; which means more economic growth rather than less. If anything the green drive to curb prosperity is likely to undermine our capacity to tackle climate change. Schumacher’s fundamentally conservative argument chimes well with those who want to reconcile us to austerity. It suits those in power for the mass of the population to accept the need to make do with less. Under such circumstances it is no surprise that David Cameron, like his international peers, is keen for us to focus on individual contentment rather than material prosperity. It is hard to imagine a more anti-human outlook than one advocating a sharp fall in living standards for the bulk of the world’s population.


Warming is real, human caused, and causes extinction—acting now is key to avoid catastrophic collapse

Dr. David McCoy et al., MD, Centre for International Health and Development, University College London, “Climate Change and Human Survival,” BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL v. 348, 4—2—14, doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.g2510, accessed 8-31-14.


The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has just published its report on the impacts of global warming. Building on its recent update of the physical science of global warming [1], the IPCC’s new report should leave the world in no doubt about the scale and immediacy of the threat to human survival, health, and well-being. The IPCC has already concluded that it is “virtually certain that human influence has warmed the global climate systemand that it is “extremely likely that more than half of the observed increase in global average surface temperature from 1951 to 2010” is anthropogenic [1]. Its new report outlines the future threats of further global warming: increased scarcity of food and fresh water; extreme weather events; rise in sea level; loss of biodiversity; areas becoming uninhabitable; and mass human migration, conflict and violence. Leaked drafts talk of hundreds of millions displaced in a little over 80 years. This month, the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) added its voice: “the well being of people of all nations [is] at risk.” [2] Such comments reaffirm the conclusions of the Lancet/UCL Commission: that climate change is “the greatest threat to human health of the 21st century.” [3] The changes seen so far—massive arctic ice loss and extreme weather events, for example—have resulted from an estimated average temperature rise of 0.89°C since 1901. Further changes will depend on how much we continue to heat the planet. The release of just another 275 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide would probably commit us to a temperature rise of at least 2°C—an amount that could be emitted in less than eight years. [4] “Business as usual” will increase carbon dioxide concentrations from the current level of 400 parts per million (ppm), which is a 40% increase from 280 ppm 150 years ago, to 936 ppm by 2100, with a 50:50 chance that this will deliver global mean temperature rises of more than 4°C. It is now widely understood that such a rise is “incompatible with an organised global community.” [5]. The IPCC warns of “tipping points” in the Earth’s system, which, if crossed, could lead to a catastrophic collapse of interlinked human and natural systems. The AAAS concludes that there is now a “real chance of abrupt, unpredictable and potentially irreversible changes with highly damaging impacts on people around the globe.” [2] And this week a report from the World Meteorological Office (WMO) confirmed that extreme weather events are accelerating. WMO secretary general Michel Jarraud said, “There is no standstill in global warming . . . The laws of physics are non-negotiable.” [6]


Impact – Warming Ext.

The Free Market solves climate change


Callahan 7 Gene Callahan is an American economist and writer. He currently teaches at State University of New York, Purchase Campus and is Honorary Fellow at Cardiff University, October 01, 2007, “How a Free Society Could Solve Global Warming”, http://fee.org/freeman/detail/how-a-free-society-could-solve-global-warming

When trying to determine if the free market is to blame for possibly dangerous carbon emissions, a logical starting point is to list the numerous ways that government policies encourage the very activities that Al Gore and his friends want us to curtail. The U.S. government has subsidized many activities that burn carbon: it has seized land through eminent domain to build highways, funded rural electrification projects, and fought wars to ensure Americans’ access to oil. After World War II it played a key role in the mass exodus of the middle class from urban centers to the suburbs, chiefly through encouraging mortgage lending. Every American schoolchild has heard of the bold transcontinental railroad (finished with great ceremony at Promontory Summit, Utah) promoted by the federal government. Historian Burt Folsom explains that due to the construction contracts, the incentive was to lay as much track as possible between points A and B—hardly an approach to economize on carbon emissions from the wood- and coal-burning locomotives. For a more recent example, consider John F. Kennedy’s visionary moon shot. I’m no engineer, but I’ve seen the takeoffs of the Apollo spacecraft and think it’s quite likely that the free market’s use of those resources would have involved far lower CO2 emissions. While myriad government policies have thus encouraged carbon emissions, at the same time the government has restricted activities that would have reduced them. For example, there would probably be far more reliance on nuclear power were it not for the overblown regulations of this energy source. For a different example, imagine the reduction in emissions if the government would merely allow market-clearing pricing for the nation’s major roads, thereby eliminating traffic jams! The pollution from vehicles in major urban areas could be drastically cut overnight if the government set tolls to whatever the market could bear—or better yet, sold bridges and highways to private owners. Of course, there is no way to determine just what the energy landscape in America would look like if these interventions had not occurred. Yet it is entirely possible that on net, with a freer market economy, in the past we would have burned less fossil fuel and today we would be more energy efficient. Even if it were true that reliance on the free-enterprise system makes it difficult to curtail activities that contribute to global warming, still the undeniable advantages of unfettered markets would allow humans to deal with climate change more easily. For example, the financial industry, by creating new securities and derivative markets, could crystallize the “dispersed knowledge” that many different experts held in order to coordinate and mobilize mankind’s total response to global warming. For instance, weather futures can serve to spread the risk of bad weather beyond the local area affected. Perhaps there could arise a market betting on the areas most likely to be permanently flooded. That may seem ghoulish, but by betting on their own area, inhabitants could offset the cost of relocating should the flooding occur. Creative entrepreneurs, left free to innovate, will generate a wealth of alternative energy sources. (State intervention, of course, tends to stifle innovations that threaten the continued dominance of currently powerful special interests, such as oil companies—for example, the state of North Carolina recently fined Bob Teixeira for running his car on soybean oil.)

Economic growth is the only viable way to solve climate change – radical transformation is impossible


Hansen and Wethal 14 Arve Hansen is a Research Fellow in interdisciplinary development studies and geography at the Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo, Norway. Ulrikke Wethal is a Research Fellow in development and economic geography at the Centre for Development and the Environment, University of Oslo, Norway. October 10, 2014, “Emerging Economies and Challenges to Sustainability: Theories, Strategies, Local Realities”, https://books.google.com/books?id=uxbEBAAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_atb#v=onepage&q&f=false

As discussed in Chapter 3 by McNeill and Wilhite, the Kuznets curve has been used to describe the alleged relation between the environment and economic growth. The idea is that, as economies grow, growth will first lead to environmental degradation, but beyond a certain point, the fruits of this same growth can be used to prevent or ameliorate degradation. However, in advanced economies, most reduction in environmental degradation has taken place due to outsourcing of production rather than any innovative way of mitigating the challenges. In terms of achieving global sustainable development, the exportation of environmental problems through a relocalisation of production makes no positive contribution. While there has been increasing acknowledgement of the environmental crisis we are facing, radical action remains absent. So-called green-washing has been the main response to the call for sustainable development. This is not, we argue, necessarily because the idea of sustainable development is wrong, but mainly because countries are not willing to commit deeply to the required trans-formations. It is also because of the lack of visions that are both viable and appeal to large segments of societies. Economic growth enables job creation and increases living standards, and can allow governments to avoid the uncomfortable questions of more radical redistribution. Halting growth in a capitalist economy leads to recessions and unemployment. Even though it tends to hit the poorest hardest, the ramifications are felt across all groups in society. For a powerful political party (whether in a one-party system or a democracy) to preach no-growth or degrowth in this context is political suicide. Politics is the art of the possible (as von Bismarck famously said), and green-washing and technological fixes are much more palatable alternatives than the societal trans-formations required by deeper understandings of sustainability.





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