Japan Aff Michigan


Alliance KT Regional Stability



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Alliance KT Regional Stability



US-Japan alliance (aka US troops in Japan) key to maintaining stability in East Asia

Klinger, ‘9 – Senior Research Fellow for Northeast Asia in the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage Foundation (8/26/09, Bruce, "How to Save the U.S.-Japan Alliance", http://www.heritage.org/Research/AsiaandthePacific/bg2308.cfm)
Despite its shortcomings, the alliance is critical to fulfilling current U.S. strategic objectives, including maintaining peace in the region. The forward deployment of a large U.S. military force in Japan deters military aggression byNorth Korea, signals Washington's resolve in defending U.S. allies, and provides an irreplaceable staging area should military action be necessary. Japan hosts the largest contingent of U.S. forces in Asia, including the only aircraft carrier home-ported outside the United States and one of three Marine Expeditionary Forces, as well as paying for a major portion of the cost of stationing U.S. forces there. Japan is America's principal missile defense partner in the world.

Cooperation KT Stability and Terror



Specifically, cooperation over realignment is key to Pacific peace and terror prevention

States News 10/24 (CHAIRMAN CALLS U.S.-JAPAN RELATIONSHIP 'VITAL', States News Service, October 24, 2009, Lexis ***Chairman Mullen serves as the principal military advisor to the President, the Secretary of Defense, the National Security Council, and the Homeland Security Council. )
The admiral said he wants the agreement signed between the United States and Japan in 2006 to move forward. That agreement calls for the relocation of Marines from Okinawa to Guam, the realignment of other U.S. forces and ways the two nations work together militarily. While the alliance is about the defense of Japan, "it has also provided a basis for regional stability and for response," Mullen said. The realignment of U.S. forces in Japan provides "the military capability, the operational flexibility, the adjustment to the continuing threats in the region," Mullen said, giving the nations the ability to respond to current and future threats. Reporters quizzed Mullen about Japanese contributions to operations in Afghanistan. The Japanese have provided ship refueling capability in the Indian Ocean. The Japanese also sponsored a donors' conference for the region and have financed police training and pay. The chairman called Afghanistan and Pakistan the epicenter of terrorism in the world. "So it's not just a regional issue, it's a global issue," he said. He applauded the Japanese efforts in many areas. The Japanese have opportunities to help in building or rebuilding infrastructure in Afghanistan, he noted, and he called on them to continue their support to the Afghan National Police. The Japanese can continue to fund "those kinds of things which aren't as directly militarily focused as some others that could also be very helpful," he said. The chairman spoke about the regional picture in Northeast Asia, and said North Korea clearly is a threat to Japan. The success of talks designed to get North Korea to dismantle its nuclear facilities and stop proliferating nuclear and missile technology, he added, are vital to the region. "I think we all agree that a denuclearized North Korea is the outcome we all seek," Mullen said. "We can't accept anything else." The chairman also addressed the Chinese military build-up. "I have been concerned about their increased investment in their defense capability, their clear shift of focus from a ground-centric force to a naval- and air- centric force that seems to, now, push off-island, if you will, beyond the first island chain and out to the second island chain," he said. The United States has renewed military-to-military relationships with China, and the chairman said he believes this is a positive move. "I have said for a long time that the peaceful rise of China, the economic engine that China is, there's a lot of positive potential there," Mullen said. But it is still difficult to understand the strategic intent of China's military buildup, he acknowledged. He said some of the build-up seems targeted at U.S. and Japanese naval forces. "And so I would hope in the end that, in fact, their strategic intent is a positive one of security for their people and their country and not one that puts us into a position that could generate a conflict," he said.

Alliance Solves US-China War



US-Japan Alliance solves US China War

Bush ‘9 Director for Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies [June 06, Richard C. III, China and the U.S.-Japan Alliance Asia, China, Japan, International Relations Brookings Institute http://www.brookings.edu/opinions/2009/0606_china_japan_bush.aspx; WBTR]

What can the United States and Japan do to avoid vicious circles and create a positive environment? Seven things come to mind. Washington and Tokyo need a clear, shared understanding of the nature of China’s rise, an assessment that is neither naïve nor alarmist, and a shared vision of a positive Chinese role in the international system. They should challenge Chinese negative interpretations of their intentions, because it is Beijing’s perceptions that create the basis for its actions. They should find and exploit opportunities for positive engagement: bilaterally, regionally, and globally. Where possible, they should try hard to solve the specific problems that lead each side to draw negative conclusions about the other. If the issues can’t be solved, the three countries need to manage the issues well and develop mechanisms to regulate their interaction. Japanese and American leaders need to educate their publics on what China is and is not. They should ensure that the United States and Japan individually and together have the capacity to carry out this strategic task. The U.S. and Japan should join Beijing to create a trilateral Track 1 dialogue mechanism, and create better dialogue channels with the Chinese military, because that part of the Chinese system that is most suspicious about American and Japanese intentions. Obviously, Washington and Tokyo cannot be the only ones that act to ensure that a good outcome accompanies. China must do its part: in having accurate perceptions of U.S. and Japanese actions; in crafting responses; and in fostering favorable public opinion. Yet for the United States and Japan, addressing the rise of China is today’s strategic challenge, because it will define tomorrow’s strategic landscape. Doing it well is the strategic task of their alliance, and they must have the capacity, the will, and the skill to get it right.
US Japanese partnership solves war

Okamato 2 served for 23 years in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan (Yukio, Spring 2002, “Japan and the United States: The Essential Alliance”, www.twq.com/02spring/okamoto.pdf)

Fifty years have passed since Japan and the United States signed the original security treaty and more than 40 years have passed since the current 1960 treaty came into force. Neither Japan nor the United States has a desire to alter the treaty obligations, much less abrogate the alliance. Nevertheless, exploring potential alternatives to the alliance is worthwhile, if only to illuminate why it is likely to survive. For Japan, treaty abrogation would result in a security vacuum that could be filled in only one of three ways. The first is armed neutrality, which would mean the development of a Japan ready to repel any threat, including the region's existing and incipient nuclear forces. The second is to establish a regional collective security arrangement. This option would require that the major powers in Asia accept a reduction of their troop strengths down to Japanese levels and accept a common political culture--democracy. Neither of these conditions is likely to be met for decades. The third option, the one outlined in the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, is for Japan's security to be the responsibility of a permanent UN military force, ready to deploy at a moment's notice to preserve peace and stability in the region. Such a force, of course, does not yet exist. None of the three possible replacements for the Japan-U.S. alliance is realistic. The alternatives also seem certain to increase the likelihood of war in the region, not decrease it--the only reason that Japan would want to leave the U.S.-Japan alliance. An overview of aftereffects on the United States of an abrogation of the alliance runs along similar lines. In the absence of a robust, UN-based security system, relations between the giant countries of Asia would become uncertain and competitive--too precarious a situation for the United States and the world. The United States would lose access to the facilities on which it relies for power projection in the region. Much more importantly, it would also lose a friend--a wealthy, mature, and loyal friend. Given the magnitude of the danger that an end of the alliance would pose to Japan and the United States, both sides will likely want to maintain their security relationship for many years to come. A completely new world would have to emerge for Japan and the United States to no longer need each other. Despite frictions over trade, supposed Japanese passivity, purported U.S. arrogance, and the myriad overwrought “threats to the alliance,” the truth is that military alliance between two democratic states is well-nigh unbreakable because there are no acceptable alternatives.




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