Linguistics 200a diola-Fogny Problem p. Linguistics 200a fall 2000



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Linguistics 200A Diola-Fogny Problem p.

Linguistics 200A Fall 2000

Phonological Theory I B. Hayes


Diola-Fogny

Due in class Tues. Nov. 7.


1. Introduction

Diola-Fogny is a West Atlantic language spoken in Senegal. The source for what follows is A Grammar of Diola-Fogny (1965) by J. David Sapir.



2. Phonotactics

The consonants are: [p] [t] [c] [k]

[b] [d] [] [g] (IPA [c] and [] are palatal stops.)

[m] [n] [] []

[f] [s] [h]

[l]


[] ( is an alveolar approximant)

[w] [j] (j is a glide; different from )

Sapir p. 6: “With the following exceptions [omitted here] [all] phonemes appear in initial, medial, and final position.” Examples for final position include:


[mutp] ‘fat’

[buu] ‘road’

[bb] ‘calm’

[lf] ‘be near’

[kt] ‘lean against something’

[fs] ‘type of monkey’

[wac] ‘swim’

[mah] ‘like this’

[ka] ‘have one leg longer than the other’

[all] ‘affine’

[kal] ‘shelf for storage’

[tk] ‘hit’

[jaw] ‘go’

[g] ‘say’

[kaj] ‘divorce’

[um] ‘bite’

[fafan] ‘lots’

p. 8: “Phoneme combinations:


Consonant clusters: Nasal plus nasal and particularly nasal plus consonant represent the only wide-spread forms of consonant combination. All the stops and the fricatives f and s can join in the clusters. In both NC and NN the constituent phonemes have identical articulations. NN, Nf, and Ns clusters are always bridged between two syllables; they thus can appear only in medial position. The others appear within and between syllables in final and medial positions respectively.”
Examples:

[kgump] ‘ashes’

[nicc] ‘I asked’

[ekump] ‘type of dance’

[ma] ‘know’

[famb] ‘annoy’

[man] ‘cause to know’

[kumbay] ‘the pig’

[niaa] ‘I rub arms’

[nimamma] ‘I want’

[akak] ‘hard’

[bunt] ‘lie’

[kag] ‘be furthest away’

[buntn] ‘cause to lie’

[niaan] ‘I cried’

[kaband] ‘shoulder’

[fafa] ‘lots’

[kundn] ‘large rat’

[nsu] ‘undershirt’

[ninnnn] ‘I placed’




3. Alternations


p. 16: “Nasal Assimilation: Nasals assimilate when possible to the articulation of immediately following consonants. If, however, a combination brings a consonant (other than a nasal) before a nasal the consonant elides. When a nasal precedes l, w or j the nasal elides.”
/ni-gam-gam/  [nigagam] ‘I judge’

/pan-i-ma/  [paima] ‘you (pl.) will know’

/ku-b-b/  [kubmb] ‘they sent’

/na-ti-ti/  [natinti] ‘he cut (it) through’

/na-min-min/  [namimmin] ‘he cut (with a knife)’

/takun-mbi/  [takumbi] ‘must not’

/na-la-la/  [nalala] ‘he returned’

/na-jkn-jkn/  [najkjkn] ‘he tires’

/na-wa-am-wa/  [nawaawa] ‘he cultivated for me’

p. 17: “Consonant reduction: Consonant reduction is achieved by eliding the first of two adjacent consonants. If the first consonant is a nasal it assimilates when possible instead of eliding [see data above]. When the first consonant is part of a consonant cluster the entire cluster deletes.”


/lt-ku-aw/  [lkuaw] ‘they won’t go’

/-nt-nt/  [nt] ‘it is light’

/uuk-a/  [uua] ‘if you see’

/kob-kob-en/  [kokoben] ‘yearn, long for’


p. 18: “When placed after a nasal becomes d.” Example:
/na-i-i/  [naindi] ‘he arrived’

4. Problem Directions I: Solution

Formulate an optimality-theoretic analysis of these facts, using OTSoft to check that your answer works. Make sure your answer can derive all of the sample forms in DiolaStart.xls, which is downloadable from http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/hayes/200A/. The forms in DiolaStart.xls are repeated below.


Ideally, you want Sapir’s morphophonemic patterns to fall out fairly automatically from a precise statement of the phonotactics, plus a suitable characterization of what the language is will to give up to achieve the phonotactics.
I’ve included in the DiolaStart.xls file the constraint *Failed Candidate. Use this, if you like, to regulate the forms that you’re trying to analyze at any one moment; remove *Failed Candidate violations to bring more and more rival candidates into the analysis as you add constraints.
Keep in mind the following points as you formulate your solution.


  1. Languages often have more liberal syllable structure conditions in final position (cf. Cairene Arabic, English). You may wish to have special Faithfulness constraints that hold for this environment.

  2. The predicate “is homorganic with” is a perfectly common and legal phonological predicate. (At this point, you needn’t worry about how we are going to formalize it.)

  3. However, homorganicity is probably not an all-or-nothing thing. Ways in which consonants can be “homorganic” include the following: (i) Loose homorganicity: sharing the same general place of articulation; (ii) Exact homorganicity: sharing the exact details of the articulatory contact: continuancy, laterality, consonantalness. Thus /n/ and /l/ are loosely, but not exactly homorganic. /n/ and /d/ are tightly homorganic. Pick the version or versions of homorganicity you need in order to make your analysis work; do not worry about formalizing this. You may assume that [f] are exactly homorganic; i.e. that the [] is articulated like [f] only with the velum down.

  4. The form /CVCCC/ is meant to be a “Richness of the Base” form: final CCC is illegal in Diola-Fogny. Presumably, what would win if there were an input of this type would be CVCC, assuming CC were homorganic. The symbols [] are meant to indicate which consonant was deleted; obviously this is conjectural, and you can change the candidates if you like; what’s needed is simply a system that lets CVCC but not CVCCC survive.

  5. /na-ma-ma/ [namama] ‘he knows’ is probably the hardest form, because it is saltatory. Explain why. Use the recipe given in class for saltatory alternations to handle this. Note that according to Sapir, the pattern here is general: p. 17: “When the first consonant is part of a consonant cluster the entire cluster elides.”

5. Problem Directions II: Commentary

Include (not necessarily at the end) commentary on the approach you took to including reference to context in constraints.



6. Inputs and Candidates





// 

*


// 

*

*

*


*

// 

*

*


// 

*

*

*

*

*

// 

*

*

*

*

// 

*

*

*

*

// 

*


*

// 

*

*


*

// 

*

*




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