Neoliberalism K—UMich 2013 neg 1NCs 1NC: Generic
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- Neoliberalism takes away the right to live from indigenous communities in Latin America
- Resisting capitalism is critical to liberate the subjugated masses in Latin America
- I: Urbanization
I: Poor/IndigenousNeoliberalist ideologies impose on indigenous society and homogenize societyBamford, associate professor of anthropology at the University of Virginia 02 (Sandra, “ON BEING ‘NATURAL’ IN THE RAINFOREST MARKETPLACE”, Social Analysis 46:1, Spring 2002, Ingenta)//AS Perhaps even more surprisingly, couched within contemporary narratives is an attempt to reconcile the perspective(s) of modern industrial society with the aims and intentions of the ‘rest of the world.’ It is implicitly assumed that indigenous peoples the world over possess a desire to be incorporated within the world capitalist economy. Brazilians really ‘want’ to manufacture potpourri, just like highland New Guineans secretly covet owning and operating their own ‘Bed and Breakfast’ establishments. Indigenous peoples are portrayed as sharing in common the same attachment to a capitalist economy that we do. In a somewhat Messianic vein, they are presented not only as would-be-laborers in this system, but also as fledgling ‘scientists’ who can solve the problems of our current environmental crisis. In the words of activist Alan Duning, indigenous peoples: possess in their ecological knowledge an asset of incalculable value: a map to the biological diversity of the earth on which all of life depends. Encoded in indigenous languages, customs and practices may be as much understanding of nature as is stored in the libraries of modern science (quoted in Brosius 1977). Yet if the entire world emerges as being one big, happy family, equally committed to the values of science, capitalism and conservation, human diversity is not completely erased. Instead, it assumes a ‘naturalized’ form. Neoliberalism takes away the right to live from indigenous communities in Latin AmericaDierckxsens, Doctor of Social Sciences, University of Nijmegen, Netherlands, former Un demography official in Central America 07--(Wim, “Social Movements and the Capitalist Crisis:Towards a Latin American Alternative”, Imperialism, Neoliberalism and Social Struggles in Latin America”, 9/1/09, http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/content/9789047410881)//AS In view of a neoliberal environment that is ever more aggressive, the social and economic rights of landless peasants and indigenous communities become reduced to almost nothing. The indigenous communities are at risk of losing the right to their own survival. They offer little benefit to big capital and theirlink to the market is so weak that their exclusion tends to be massive and definitive. There is practically no possibility that they can be reinserted into the market economy. To not be linked to the market today and having no future prospect for such a linkage tomorrow, the population is superfluous to the present system. Indeed, to the extent that they occupy certain territories desired for their lands and natural resources, they become transformed into an obstacle to the transnationals that must be eradicated. For their part, the social mobilisations of the indigenous peoples do not solely revolve around the demand for land. Rather, they increasingly exhibit the character of territorial defence and of struggle for another possible world where the indigenous peoples’ way of life has a safe and secure place. Resisting capitalism is critical to liberate the subjugated masses in Latin AmericaRenique, Associate Professor in the Department of History at the City College of the City University of New York ( Gerardo, “Latin America today: The revolt against neoliberalism”, Socialism and Democracy 10--, 19:3, 9/20/10, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/08854300500284561#.UcnZQvnVCSo)//AS Peasant/Indian intervention in politics has long been manifested through everyday acts of resistance. These remained fragmented and localized, however, until the second half of the 20th century. Landlord and state responses to subaltern defiance rested on the systematic use of violence and the deepening of colonial forms of domination and exploitation – what Anı´ balQuijano calls the coloniality of power. In his essay, Quijano examines the political trajectory of Indian resistance in Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador, describing the current power crisis in terms of the crisis of coloniality. He suggests that the achievement of autonomy and of a pluri-ethnic state will not only mark the end of the Eurocentric nation-state but will also force the redefinition of both the national question and the problem of political democracy.Gonza´lez Casanova argues similarly, in his essay on the EZLN, thattheZapatista forms of autonomous self-government (caracoles or conches) express what he describes as a “culture of power” forged in 500 years of resistance to colonialism and to the Eurocentric logic of state power. In place of the latter, Zapatista forms of people’s power offer an idiosyncratic form of direct rule aimed on the one hand at strengthening democracy, dignity, and autonomy, and, on the other, at building an alternative way of life, thereby helping to revitalize the universal struggle for democracy, liberation, and socialism. I: UrbanizationThe influx of peasants into urban areas offsets the perceived “benefits” of neoliberal policiesOtero, Ph.D in Sociology @ University of Wisconsin-Madison, Professor of Sociology at Simon Fraser University, 1996 (Gerardo, “Mexico's Economic and Political Futures,” NEOLIBERALISM REVISITED – Economic Restructuring and Mexico's Political Future, edited by Gerardo Otero, Westview Press, pg 234-35)//SG Now thatthe Mexican legislation regarding land tenure has been modified to allow the privatization of ejidos, one possible outcome is thatlarge masses of former peasants will migrate to the cities, a trend that will build downward pressures for already rock-bottom wages.Such "liberation" of labor power from the countryside, as Marilyn Gates has put it,will offset much of the ben- eficial effect that increased capital investments could have on Mexican workers' real wages. Will this mean that old-type maquiladoras are more likely to prevail instead of a move to a form of integration into the world economy that relies on skilled labor and technology transfer, as in the optimistic scenarios of Gary Gereffi? The latter scenarios would probably require a much more aggressive state policy, including an industrial policy, as both Gereffi and Enrique Dussel Peters have argued, in order to prpmote a greater integration of maquiladoras and manufacturing exporting firms with the rest of the local economy. During the early 1990s, as much as 75 percent of foreign investment going p into Mexico went to the stock marketin the form of portfolio capital.This is widely considered to be a volatile and speculative type of investment. Its swiftflight during 1.994 largely accounts for the depth of the economic crisis that followed the peso devaluationin December of that year. The composition of investment capital would have to be modified substantially, as Gustavo del Castillo V. and Enrique Dussel Peters have argued, so that most new foreign investment would be directed toward productive activities that create employ- ment and expand Mexico's exporting capabilities and international competi- tiveness. Otherwise, the masses of workers "liberated" from agriculture will not only remain largely unemployed but will also constitute a heavy downward pressure on wages in Mexico as well as in the United States and Canada.
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