Types of Knowledge Brokers in the ‘Third Community’ 7
Table 1 128
Metachoice Framework and Choice Classes 128
Table 2 130
Benefit-Cost Analysis of the North East Coal Project 130
Table 3: 130
Typology of Efficiency Analysis Methodologies 130
Table 4 133
A Hypothetical Example of MNBA+ Analysis 133
Table 5 134
A Hypothetical Example of MNBA+ Analysis: Alternative Highway Projects 134
Table 6 135
Monetized Net Benefit Analysis of Proposed Ignition Propensity Standard 135
Table 7 135
An Example of Embedded NPV Analysis 135
Table 8 136
Total Net Financial Benefits to British Columbia of Treaty Settlements 136
Table 9 138
An Example of a Multi-Goal Analysis: B.C Salmon Fishery 138
Table 10 140
Multi-Goal Analysis of Alternative Routes Between Vancouver and Squamish 140
Table 11 141
An Example of A Multi-Goal Valuation Matrix 141
Table 12 143
Sample Goals/Criteria For Metachoice Alternatives 143
Table 1 248
Two Idealized Models of Policy Advising in Canadian Government 248
Chart 2 - Three Kinds of Policy Expertise 269
Chart 3 - Recruitment Objectives for Policy Analysis Units 271
Figure 1 291
The Policy Analysis Community 291
Figure 1 Stages of the Democratic Policy Making Process 373
Table 1: Democratic Potholes 385
Table 3: Mayoral Salaries 1950-2004 ($2004) 389
Table 6 393
Supervisory Capacity 393
Table 12.1 507
Composition of Canadian Legislatures — January 2005 507
Table 3. 551
Sources of public opinion cross-tabulated with respondent occupation 551
Figure 1. Likely Limits for Policy Movement as viewed by Members of a Given Advocacy Coalition 656
Figure 1 693
Frequency of Policy Analysis 693
Figure 2 693
Number of Analysts (Groups doing analysis) 693
Figure 3 697
Change in Extent of Analysis (Last 5 years) 697
Figure 4 700
Cost-Benefit Analysis 700
Thanks for help organizing these workshops goes to Cristine de Clercy, head of the Law and Public Policy section of the 2003 Canadian Political Science Association meeting, and to the staff and faculty of the Public Policy Programme at SFU including Nancy Olewiler, Karen McCredie, Jonathan Kesselman and John Richards. Thanks also go out to Louise Chappel and M. Ramesh for comments received on various paper drafts.
Introduction Policy Analysis in Canada: The State of the Art
In this volume we hope to help lay the foundations for a more systematic understanding of policy analysis in Canada, and thereby contribute to enhanced practice and utilization of analytical work undertaken both within Canadian governments and in those organizations that wish to influence public policy. Before moving to the various contributions made to this project by the authors in this volume, we wish to briefly clarify what policy analysis is, how the work of policy analysis has been broadly construed by academic researchers over the past several generations, and identify several general research questions that do and might structure ongoing research into policy analysis in Canada.
Knowledge Utilization and Policy Analysis: The 3rd Community
Over the past generation, academic literature has often distinguished between policy study and policy analysis. The former term is sometimes used to refer to the study of’ policy and the latter to study for policy. Policy studies, the subject of an earlier volume by the editors (Dobuzinskis, Howlett and Laycock 1996), is conducted mainly by academics, relates to ‘meta-policy’ or the overall nature of the activities of the state; and generally is concerned with understanding the development, logic and implications of overall state policy processes and the models used by investigators to analyze those processes. ‘Policy analysis,’ in comparison, refers to applied social and scientific research pursued by government officials and non-governmental organizations usually directed at designing, implementing, and evaluating existing policies, programmes and other specific courses of action adopted or contemplated by states. This book combines the two approaches, providing a study of the nature of policy analysis conducted in Canada, with the aim of identifying, describing and evaluating the different kinds of analysis carried out in this country by actors both inside and outside government.
Policy analysis in the sense employed in this volume has relatively recent origins in the wartime planning activities and ‘scientific management’ thinking of the mid-20th century, and its wider application in the 1960s and 1970s to the US experience with large-scale social and economic planning processes in areas such as defence, urban re-development and budgeting—especially as a result of the implementation of the Planning Programming Budgeting System (PPBS) in the United States, Canada and other countries (Heineman et al 1990; Garson 1986; See also Lindblom 1958; Dobuzinskis 1977; Wildavsky 1979; Starling 1979).Since then, ‘policy analysis’ has spread through the globe with professional associations and dedicated schools and teaching programs developing in many countries. Also the movement towards the application of scientific precepts to policy questions continues to be moderated by adherence to older, more partisan political modes of decision-making and programme planning (Webber 1986), some form of policy analysis is now typically called for in most government decision-making processes in modern states.
The growth of what some academics refer to as ‘the policy analysis movement’ represents a effort to reform certain aspects of government behaviour and in this sense is similar to earlier movements to, for example, root out corruption and partisan patronage in government appointments and tendering, or improve the sociological representativeness of civil servants and officials. The policy analysis movement represents the efforts of actors inside and outside formal political decision-making processes to improve policy outcomes by applying systematic evaluative rationality to the development and implementation of policy options (Meltsner 1976).
As Lindquist and others have noted, these policy actors generally are arrayed in three general ‘sets’ or ‘communities’ (Lindquist 1990). The first set is composed of the ‘proximate decision-makers’ themselves – that is, the set of actors actually with authority to make policy decisions, including cabinets and executives as well as parliaments, legislatures and congresses, and senior administrators and officials delegated decision-making powers by those other bodies. The second set is composed of those ‘knowledge generators’ located in academia and research institutes who provide the basic scientific, economic and social scientific data upon which analyses are based and decisions made. The third set is composed of those ‘knowledge brokers’ who serve as intermediaries between the knowledge generators and proximate decision-makers, re-packaging data and information into ‘usable’ form. These include permanent specialized research staff inside government as well as their temporary equivalents in commissions and task forces, and a large group of non-governmental specialists arrayed in think tanks and interest groups, among others.
While the existence of all of these actors preceded the policy analysis movement, in the modern era they have come to share a common interest in ensuring that policies reflect the latest knowledge, and a common desire to improve policy-making through better and more systematic analysis of policy options and outcomes. That having been said, however, they differ in several important ways. Some of these differences have to do with the different roles each community has vis a vis the knowledge utilization process – as producer, broker and consumer. The chapters in this volume deal mainly with the ‘third community’ of knowledge brokers; leaving the discussion of decision-makers activities and those of basic researchers to others (for studies which address these other two communities, see Weiss 1990 and Bakvis 1997).
Knowledge Brokers and Policy Analysis
The various actors grouped together as ‘knowledge brokers,’ of course, are not homogeneous. As earlier research and the chapters in this volume attest, other differences beyond those related to overall flow of knowledge are important and help determine what kinds of activities knowledge brokers undertake and their ultimate influence on decision-making outcomes.
Governments have always been involved in the analysis of public policies, both their own and those of other countries, and those government officials who carry out analyses remain at the core of the knowledge brokering that occurs in government. However, increasingly in recent years, much public policy analysis has also been generated by analysts working for temporary or arms-length agencies of government, or for non-governmental organizations. Some of these analysts work for research councils, royal commissions, task forces, and other investigatory bodies established by governments. Others work directly for groups affected by public policies, such as labour unions, corporations and business associations, or for private think-tanks and research institutes, some of which have close ties with government agencies and pressure groups, or for political parties. Finally, some of these analysts work independently, most of them being associated with the university system, while others earn a living as consultants employed by the growing number of private firms in this industry. The former set of analysts working for temporary government agencies can be thought of as existing ‘inside’ government along with ‘core’ actors, while the latter group of private and university sector employees operate ‘outside’ both the core and government itself.
Analysts working in different organizations tend to have different interests and to utilize different techniques in pursuing policy analysis. Analysts working for governments and for groups and corporations affected by public policies tend to focus their research on policy outcomes. They often have a direct interest in condemning or condoning specific policies on the basis of projected or actual impact on their client organization. Private think-tanks and research institutes usually enjoy a fair amount of autonomy from governments, though some may be influenced by the preferences of their funding organizations. Nevertheless, they remain interested in the ‘practical’ side of policy issues and tend to concentrate either on policy outcomes or on the instruments and techniques that generate those outcomes. Academics, on the other hand, have a great deal of independence and usually have no direct personal stake in the outcome of specific policies. They can therefore examine public policies much more abstractly than can members of the other two groups and, as such, tend to grapple with the theoretical, conceptual, and methodological issues surrounding public policy-making. Other academics, especially economists, however, also enjoy lucrative side careers as consultants and experts and are thus sometimes more engaged in practical policy work than are their less disinterested counterparts.
As Lindquist has suggested, important differences in the roles and techniques of policy analysis employed by different policy actors are linked to the different they positions held within government and outside the authoritative arms of the state, and to their sources of funding in the private and public sector (see Figure 1 below).
Types of Knowledge Brokers in the ‘Third Community’
Location vis a vis
Authoritative Institutions and Decision-Makers
Commissions and Committees
Political Party Staff
Public Opinion Polls
Public Interest Groups
Source: Modified from Lindquist, Evert. 2000. ‘Think Tanks and the Ecology of Policy Inquiry.’ In D. Stone, ed., Banking on Knowledge: The Genesis of the Global Development Network, London: Routledge, 221-238.
The chapters in this volume examine the development and activities of all four of these types of actors, thereby providing an overview of the development of the policy analysis movement in Canada.
Ongoing Research Questions in the Study of Canadian Policy Analysis
Policy analysis texts usually describe a range of qualitative and quantitative techniques which analysts are expected to learn and apply in specific circumstances, providing advice to decision-makers about optimal strategies and outcomes to pursue in the resolution of public problems (MacRae and Wilde 1976; Patton and Sawicki 1993; Weimer and Vining 1999; Irwin 2003). This positivist or modern approach to policy analysis has dominated the field for decades (Radin 2000).
More and more, however, this understanding of policy analysis as ‘speaking truth to power’ has been challenged. Critics have focused attention on practical difficulties associated with the application of formal analytical techniques, such as cost-benefit analysis, to policy problems; focusing especially on the extent to which uncertainty and ambiguity in problem definition and evaluation have been ignored or downplayed by proponents of such techniques (Morgan and Henrion 1990; Dunn 2004; Yanow 1992), or on the way analyses can be consciously or unconsciously biased towards promotion of certain implicit or explicit goals (Hahn and Dudley 2004). Other critics have ventured meta-critiques, arguing that the techniques themselves embody philosophical and epistemological biases towards particularly instrumental conceptions of public policy problems and solutions, thereby ruling out alternative conceptions and courses of action by fiat or definition (Carrier and Wallace 1990; Dixon and Dogan 2004).
This meta-critique of ‘the traditional’ techniques of modern policy analysis has led to several developments. Most noticeably, it spawned the emergence of a newer ‘post-positivist’ or ‘post-modern’ form of analysis focused much less on quantitative techniques for analysis and much more on process-related techniques for affecting policy discourses, ideas and arguments (Radin 2000; Kirp 1992; Fischer 2003; Hajer and Wagenaar 2003. See also Woodside-Jiron 2004; Muntigle 2002).
However, these critiques of the rational biases of the policy ‘sciences’ are not new (Tribe 1972; Nelson 1977; Banfield 1980) and the epistemological challenges posed to the traditional formal techniques used in the discipline are not devastating (Lynn 1999). A ‘third way’ exists between the ‘modern’ and post-modern’ approaches, which utilizes the critiques and self-reflections of both approaches to contribute towards more empirical efforts to understand existing patterns of policy analysis and influence, and how they differ across organizations and jurisdictions. Sympathetic to the basic postulates and aims of the ‘modern’ policy analysis movement, they argue a middle position between this and the ‘post-modern’ one: that (a) different styles of policy analysis can be found in different organizations and jurisdictions (Mayer et al 2004; Jenkins-Smith 1982) and (b) that these styles are not random or completely manipulable by policy actors but are linked to larger patterns of political behaviour and culture which are, in a sense, quasi-permanent features of the policy analysis landscape (Geva-May 2002a and 2002b; Hajer 2003).
This volume falls squarely into this third category and approach to understanding and studying policy analysis. Following this ‘third way,’ several key dimensions of current empirical research into policy analysis stand out for those interested in evaluating the state of the art of policy analysis in Canada and inform the studies of particular actors developed in each chapter:
There is a clear need for better empirical research into the sociology of policy analysis. Who is doing what in government and outside of it? Where are they trained? What techniques do they bring to the analysis? Have we moved beyond economists and lawyers (Cravens 2004; Markoff and Montecinos 1993. See also Bobrow 1977; Aaron 1992; Gardner 2002)? What does it means to be a policy ‘professional’ (Parsons 2001; Abbott 1988)? How has the rise of consultants affected policy-making and outcomes (Lapsley and Oldfield 2001)? Studies in Canada are limited (Prince 1979; Prince and Chenier 1980; Hollander and Prince 1993), but those of other countries such as the Netherlands, France, the UK and New Zealand emphasize the significance of training and overall approach to assessing the impact of policy analyses on policy outcomes (Don 2004; Smith 1999; Bhatta 2002; Young et al 2002. See on Canada, Cohn 2004; Pal 1985).
How is policy analysis influential? How are the results of analysis transmitted to policy-makers, if at all? What is their impact? This literature on the utilization of knowledge by governments was pioneered by Carole Weiss and William Dunn, but has not moved very far beyond the ‘two communities’ and ‘enlightenment’ metaphors of the early 1980s (Weiss 1977; Dunn 1980 and 1983; Webber 1983 and 1986). Work by Whiteman and Webber was helpful in pointing out the significance of context to knowledge use (Whiteman 1985; Webber 1992), but recent work by Lester and Wilds and Parsons on the contexts of policy analysis and the need to address issues of both the capacity of governments to generate and absorb knowledge, however, point to additional factors to be examined in this area (Lester and Wilds 1990; Parsons 2004; Adams 2004). In Canada, some pathbreaking research by Landry and colleagues provides some indication of the situation in this country, but more can be done in this area (Landry et al 2003 and 2001).
Attention has been specifically focused on how an earlier exclusive emphasis on the analysis of alternative substantive outcomes has been replaced by a focus on the need to realize those outcomes through modifications in design of institutions and processes (de Bruijn and Porter 2004; de Bruijn and ten Heuvelhof 2002; Bolong 2003; Qureshi 2004; Brandl 1988; Walters 2000). How has Canada fared in this regard?
There remains a need to develop clearer evaluation criteria for policy analysis. Evaluation of public policy analysis in Canada lags behind that in Europe and the United States. Studies in those countries have moved quite some distance towards the assessment of the needs of good policy analysis (Thissen and Twaalfhoven 2001; Sanderson 2002)and the integration of those results into the design of educational and training programmes for professional policy analysts (Shulock 1999; Radin 2000. See also symposium contributions from Bobrow, deLeon and Longobardi, Dryzek, Ostrom, Pickus and Dostert, Smith and Ingram, and Weimer 2002). Canadian studies on such topics have been very limited but many authors in this volume go some considerable distance towards closing that gap.
What are the paedagogical implications of these findings? Do our schools of public policy provide appropriate training for future policy analysts (Fleishman 1990)? Again, Canada lags behind in evaluating its current training regimes with an eye to implementing reforms that will clearly enhance policy analysis in all of the three communities in which it occurs (Light 1999; Gow and Sutherland 2004)
This book presents the results of a broad and deep examination of policy analysis activities, at all levels of Canadian governments, as well as in the seldom-studied non-governmental sector. The questions that the various contributors will address include: What are the defining characteristics of sophisticated yet useful policy analysis? Which institutional constraints influence the outcomes or styles of analysis? How does policy analysis contribute to democratic debates? Are there lessons to be learned from the way in which policy analysis is conducted in different countries, and in different institutional locales within Canada?
The book brings together a team of researchers to examine policy analysis in government and in non-governmental organizations. Each author has published extensively in their area of expertise. The participants in the project include the editors as well as Steven Brooks, Michael Mintrom, Susan Phillips, Don Abelson, Evert Lindquist, Michael Prince, Iris Geva-May, Allan Maslove, Aidan Vining, Tony Boardman, Doug McArthur, Bill Cross, Paddy Smith, Kennedy Stewart, Andrea Jackson, Michael Mintrom, Liora Salter, Josie Schofield, Jonathan Fershau, Andrew Stritch, Francois Petry, Andrew Jackson, Kimberly Speers, Dan Cohn and Jean-Paul Voyer. These contributors examine policy analysis in interest groups, think tanks, federal government departments, provincial governments, royal commissions, legislatures, local governments, labour unions and business associations.
Most of these investigators took part in one or both of two research workshops, one in Winnipeg in June 2004 and the second in Vancouver in September 2004. The workshops developed linkages between their individual areas of expertise and helped to build an enhanced understanding of the state of the art of policy analysis in Canada. These workshops were carried out in conjunction with the Canadian Political Science Association and the new Centre for Public Policy Research at Simon Fraser University (at Harbour Centre)
Section by Section Summary
The book is organized into four parts. The first part provides an overview of the history and development of the policy analysis profession in Canada and offers an overview of trends in the field over the past quarter century. Topics addressed by Michael Prince, Michael Mintrom, Stephen Brooks, Aidan Vining and Anthony Boardman, Michael Howlett and Evert Lindquist, and Iris Geva-May and Alan Maslove include the nature of formal policy analysis techniques and the various roles policy analysts play in the policy process. The history of the Canadian situation is recounted and placed in the context of the international policy analysis movement.
The second part provides three chapters by Jean Pierre Voyer, Doug McArthur and Paddy Smith and Kennedy Stewart. These chapters examine the role played by policy analysts occupying key positions within Canadian governments. The situations of the federal, provincial and municipal governments are examined and developments (and continuing weaknesses) in general policy analytic style and capacity are described and assessed.
Part III looks at policy analysis ‘insiders,’ those analysts who are ‘in’ but not ‘of’ governments. Chapters by Liora Salter, Laurent Dobuzinskis, and Josie Schofield and Jonathan Fershau, assess the capacity, limits and influence of policy analysis carried out ‘at arms length’ from government in quasi-independent but still formally authoritative institutions such as public inquiries, royal commissions and task forces; government policy research councils; and legislative committees. Attention is also paid by François Petry and Kimberly Speers to the role of public opinion surveys and consultants as means by which ‘outside’ values and knowledge are transmitted to government decision-makers.
The final part deals with policy analysis ‘outsiders,’ those analysts in the private sector who conduct analysis outside the formal halls of government. Chapters by Catherine Murray, Bill Cross, Don Abelson, Susan Phillips, Andrew Stritch, and Andrew Jackson examine the development, merits and impact of policy analysis carried out in the media, in political parties and think tanks, as well as in various interest groups - ranging from general ‘public interest groups’ to those specifically developed by business and labour interests. Finally, Dan Cohn looks at, and assesses, the role of academic policy analysts is assessed.
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