Utnif 2012 The Only K
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- The Slave Ship 1NC
UTNIF 2012 The Only K Race KRace K 1 Notes 3
1NC 4 The Slave Ship 1NC 5 The Slave Ship 1NC 7 The Slave Ship 1NC 9 The Slave Ship 1NC 10 The Slave Ship 1NC 12 The Slave Ship 1NC 13 The Slave Ship 1NC 15 The Slave Ship 1NC 16 The Slave Ship 1NC 18 The Slave Ship 1NC 20 The Slave Ship 1NC 22 Camp Aff 1NC Links 23 1NC Link – Policy Aff (Non Public Transit) 24 1NC Link – High Speed Rail (Policy) 26 1NC Link – High Speed Rail (Critical) 28 1NC Link – Transit Apartheid/Reformism 29 1NC Link – Disability Justice 31 Links 34 Link – Highways 35 Link – High Speed Rail – Implementation 37 Link – High Speed Rail – Sprawl 38 Link – Transportation 40 Link – Keynesian Economics/Reformism 42 Link – Economics 44 Link – Global Warming 45 Link – Hegemony 48 Link – Nuclear War 50 Link – Terrorism 52 Link – Public Sphere 54 Link – AT: Omission 55 Link – AT: Link Turn 56 Impacts 58 Impact – Genocide 59 Impact – Global Violence 60 Impact – Ableism 62 Impact – Environment 63 Impact – Ethics 65 Impact – Global Warming 66 Impact – Suburbanization 68 Alternative 69 Alt – Genealogy 70 Alt – Historical/Discursive Analysis 72 Alt – Afro-Pessimism Ontology 75 Answers to Answers 77 AT: Perm 78 AT: Intersectionality 81 AT: Framework – Fairness 83 AT: Framework/Cede the Political 84 AT: Framework 86 AT: Totalization/Essentialism 88 AT: Prag/Need Blueprint 89 AT: Class First 91 AT: Whiteness(es) Turns/Too Radical 92 AT: Alt Leads to Violence 94 Aff Answers 95 Aff – Perm/Reformism 96 Aff – AT: Ontological Blackness 99 Aff – AT: Social Death 101 Aff – Totalization Turn 102 Aff – Totalization Turn 104 Aff – Whiteness not Root Cause 105 Aff – Intersectionality 108 Aff – Cede the Political 109 Aff – Commodification 111 Aff – Identity Politics Bad 112 Aff – Genealogy Bad 113 Aff – Disability – AT: Root Cause 114 Aff – Disability – Perm 115 Aff – AT: Heg/Empire Bad 116 Aff – AT: State Bad 119 Aff – Queer Theory Perm 120 Notes1 – The 1NC is designed to be a (lengthy) 1 off strategy, but can be shortened by saving the last Wynter card for framework in the block. If you want to run a really short version, just read a specific link and then the Rodriguez and Kokontis cards 2 – For an explanation of the stance towards race that this K is designed to take, look at the Pak card under the Alternative section (Afro-Pessimism Ontology) 3 – The disability K in the TRI case neg will have links that should jive with the critique. Max Hantel | Jishnu Guha-Majumdar 
Uday "Juggles" Kohli | Anna "Singalong" Griffin | Chris "Midnight City" O'Brien | Luke "Uptown Girl" Desobry | Christian “SpaceDs” AKA "I'll go to the library" Vences | Matthew “Cave Matt” AKA “Oop Me!” AKA “The Kid from the Ring” AKA “Solitaire” Cave 1NCThe Slave Ship 1NCThe history of transportation in the United States is the spatialization of white supremacy – to speak of transportation is to already speak of race. From the original transportation policy of the Middle Passage to “separate but equal” to the “white flight” of suburbanization, the condition of possibility for the freedom and mobility associated with transportation is the subjugation of raced bodies.Brenman ‘7 [Marc, executive director of the Washington State Human Rights Commission and was formerly senior policy advisor for civil rights at the U.S. Department of Transportation, Transportation Inequality in the United States: A Historical Overview, Human Rights Magazine Vol. 34 No. 3, http://www.americanbar.org/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/human_rights_vol34_2007.html] Three major kinds of infrastructure in the United States contribute to the separation of races: housing, education, and transportation. Of these, transportation receives the least attention by those interested in social justice. Yet people must get from place to place. Social mobility is an important part of the story we tell ourselves as Americans. But historically, it has not been available to all, or available only in a way that has channeled some people to specific places and inequitable opportunities, sometimes involuntarily and even in chains. Ideas and their implications also have to get from one place to another. The notion of progress, enshrined in liberal thinking, often has not served people of color when the progress was mechanical. This article sets the context for examining the inequality caused by, and supported by, transportation. In some cases, existing extreme inequality make forced transportation impossible to resist. In the first section, a new view is taken, seeing slave ships as bringing inequality to America, and the Underground Railroad as an important part of transportation, civil rights history, and the escape from inequality. The next section discusses the legal context as it relates to transportation inequity. The third joins education to transportation inequity. The fourth shows how the modern civil rights movement has a transportation base. The fifth ties together the joining of America by railroads and the civil rights movement. The sixth brings road building and shipping into the discussion. The last section brings us up to date by referencing Hurricane Katrina and gasoline prices. The Original Discriminatory Transport: Slave Ships Civil rights in transportation in the United States has a long history, beginning with the involuntary transportation of slaves to the American colonies. One of the major points about transportation in the United States is made early—it is not necessarily voluntary. The U.S. Constitution addressed this importation, banning its regulation until 1808. An organized system to assist runaway slaves seems to have begun toward the end of the eighteenth century. In 1786, George Washington complained about how one of his runaway slaves was helped by a “society of Quakers, formed for such purposes.” The system grew, and around 1831 it was dubbed the Underground Railroad, after the then emerging steam railroads. The system even used terms used in railroading: the homes and businesses where fugitives would rest and eat were called “stations” or “depots” and were run by “stationmasters,” those who contributed money or goods were “stockholders,” and the “conductor” was responsible for moving fugitives from one station to the next. It effectively moved hundreds of slaves northward each year; according to one estimate, slave states lost 100,000 slaves between 1810 and 1850. Legally Institutionalizing Transport Inequity In part to address this system, the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, ch. 60, 9 Stat. 462 (1850), legislated the return of runaway slaves to their owners. Thus we introduce a second point that runs counter to the American mythic story of social mobility—restrictions on travel. We will much later see echoes of such restrictions in the form of travel to Cuba, starting in 1962, with the U.S. embargo against Cuba. It was codified into law in 1992 with the purpose of bringing democracy to the Cuban people. A third point appears—restrictions on travel as an instrument of U.S. foreign policy. The Fugitive Slave Act provides an extensive legal structure for enforcing the requirement of Article IV, Section 2, of the Constitution and lays out penalties for those impeding its enforcement. The necessity to do so reflects the growing conflict between opponents and proponents of slavery in the United States. The issue ultimately appeared before the Supreme Court, producing one of the most famous of the early race cases, Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1857), known to history as the Dred Scott decision. The U.S. Supreme Court declared that all blacks—slaves as well as free—were not and could never become citizens of the United States. The Court also declared the 1820 Missouri Compromise unconstitutional, thus permitting slavery in all of the country’s territories. Scott, a slave who had lived in the free state of Illinois and the free territory of Wisconsin before moving back to the slave state of Missouri, had appealed to the Supreme Court in hopes of being granted his freedom. The Court’s majority opinion stated that, because Scott was black, he was not a citizen and therefore had no right to sue. The framers of the Constitution, the opinion stated, believed that blacks “had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He was bought and sold and treated as an ordinary article of merchandise and traffic, whenever profit could be made by it.” Id. at 407. The Civil Rights Act of 1875, 18 Stat. 335 (1875), required equal accommodations for blacks and whites in public facilities (other than schools). It represents the last congressional effort to protect the civil rights of African Americans for more than half a century. It stated that “all persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges of inns, public conveyances on land or water . . .” This legislation was effectively voided by the Supreme Court in 1883, through the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883). These were a collection of cases involving the Civil Rights Act of 1875. Over a strong dissent by Justice John Marshall Harlan, the Supreme Court held the act unconstitutional as an exercise of Congress’s powers under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court ruled 8–1 that Congress had overstepped its authority, and therefore the act was invalid. In 1878, in Hall v. DeCuir, 95 U.S. 485 (1878), the Supreme Court ruled that states cannot prohibit segregation on public transportation. A Louisiana Supreme Court had awarded damages to Josephine DeCuir, an African American woman denied access to a cabin set aside for white passengers during her voyage from New Orleans to Hermitage, Louisiana. The Court held that the Louisiana law on which the damages were based did not apply because the steamboat was a business involved in interstate commerce, which could only be regulated by the U.S. Congress. States could not require carriers engaged in interstate commerce to provide integrated facilities, even for trips that took place only within state borders. The Court’s opinion is said to have clearly indicated its interest in preserving existing racial customs and to have provided a rationale that was eventually used to support the “separate but equal” doctrine. In 1890, in Louisville, New Orleans & Texas Railway v. Mississippi, 133 U.S. 587 (1890), the Court permitted states to segregate public transportation facilities. In 1898, in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896), the Supreme Court upheld a Louisiana law compelling segregation of the races in rail coaches. To test the law’s constitutionality, Homer Plessy, a Louisianan of mixed race, made a point of exposing himself to arrest for sitting in the whites-only section of a train car. He was acting on the behalf of a Louisiana Citizen’s Committee formed to protest laws established to keep blacks and whites separate. When his case reached the Supreme Court, Plessy argued that enforced segregation in theoretically separate-but-equal accommodations compromised the principle of legal equality and marked blacks as inferior. The Court decided that the Louisiana law did not take away from the federal authority to regulate interstate commerce, Directory: files files -> Answer True False 2 points Question 2 files -> Integer programming and game theory files -> 4 Integer Programming files -> Bpa vehicle Window Repair Scenario #1 task: Procure vehicle window relacement. Objective files -> Pop Warner History files -> North Carolina Inclusion Initiative Mapping Where Children with ieps are Being Served Purpose files -> Fall 2013 Spring 2014 Program Data: Standard 1 Exhibit 4d files -> Hanban – asia society confucius classrooms network 2010 request for proposal files -> Northern England’s set-jetting locations Download 0.63 Mb. Share with your friends:
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