A glossary of Terms Related to the Conflict
SAS / Special Air Service
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- Sectarian / Sectarianism
- Sectarian Interface(s)
- Shankill / Shankill Road A large Protestant working-class area in west Belfast. The area contains many people who support the aims of Loyalists groups. Shankill Bomb
- See also
- Stakeknife The code name of an alleged British army agent operating within the higher echelons of the Republican movement. Stalker Affair
SSAS / Special Air Service The Special Air Service (SAS) is an elite regiment of the British Army specially trained for covert operations. The SAS has been used on numerous occasions in Northern Ireland and it is the unit against which most of the allegations of carrying out a 'shoot-to-kill' policy are directed. Sectarian / Sectarianism In Northern Ireland context sectarianism refers to behaviour, especially violent behaviour, that is motivated by hatred based on religious bigotry. The killing of civilians by Loyalist paramilitaries, or Republican paramilitaries, is usually referred to as sectarian murders. The term sectarian violence is used to differentiate from other types of (non-sectarian) violence for example violent feuds within Loyalism or within Republicanism. 'Sectarian Interface(s)' Sectarian interfaces are the boundaries where the two main communities live close to each other. Across Northern Ireland these interfaces are more prone to outbreaks of sectarian violence. They are also known as 'flashpoint' areas. 'Securocrats' A phrase which has become widely used by Republican politicians when talking of those involved in the administration, planning, and organisation of the security policy of the British government in Northern Ireland. Republicans have alleged that such 'securocrats' have been responsible for creating difficulties in the peace process associated with the Good Friday Agreement (GFA). Segregation Since the Plantation of Ulster in the early 17th century many aspects of live in the region have been segregated on the basis of religious denomination. Each period of conflict has increased the level of segregation and the most recent 'Troubles' has seen, for example, residential segregation increased to new levels. In addition to where people choose - or are forced - to live, segregation is also experienced in education, business, commerce, sport, leisure activities, etc. Many people in Northern Ireland conduct their entire lives within their own community with little opportunity - or no desire - to meet members of the opposite tradition. The term has also been used within the context of the prison system. Here it is used to describe the demand that those serving sentences on paramilitary-related charges should be completely separated from those associated with opposing paramilitary groups. "Seismic Shift" In July 1999 during negotiations aimed at securing the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, declared that he had become aware of significant changes in the thinking of the Republican movement particularly on the issue of decommissioning. He went onto state that this represented a "seismic shift". Self-determination Within the context of Northern Ireland politics there has always been a divergence of views as to what is understood by the term self-determination. For Nationalists and Republicans it is argued that the right to national self-determination should be applied to the whole island of Ireland, thus increasing the chances of a vote in favour of a united Ireland. Whereas Unionists and Loyalists argue that the term should only be applied to Northern Ireland and thereby guaranteeing that the region remains within the United Kingdom. 'Sell-out' Since the outset of the conflict in Northern Ireland many within the Unionist and Loyalist communities in Northern Ireland have claimed that the long-term aim of the British government has been to reach a political settlement with the ultimate aim of facilitating a united Ireland. Such a strategy is referred to as a 'sell-out'. Shankill / Shankill Road A large Protestant working-class area in west Belfast. The area contains many people who support the aims of Loyalists groups. Shankill Bomb On 23 October 1993 ten people were killed when a bomb being planted by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) exploded prematurely as it was being left in a fish shop on the Shankill Road, Belfast. With the exception of one of the bombers who was killed in the attack, the rest of those who died were Protestant civilians. A further 57 people were injured in the attack. The IRA later claimed that the intended target of the bomb was a meeting of Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) members that was believed to be taking place in the former Ulster Defence Association (UDA) office above the fish shop. The phrase 'Shankill bomb' was also used for an earlier attack when on 11 December 1971 there was a bomb explosion at furniture shop on the Shankill Road, Belfast. Four people were killed including two small children. The Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) later claimed responsibility. 'Shoot-to-Kill' The term 'shoot-to-kill' was used most notably following three incidents in late 1982 when members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) shot dead a number of people in controversial circumstances. The first of these on 11 November 1982 saw three unarmed members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) killed at a checkpoint near Lurgan, County Armagh; the second on 24 November 1982 involved the death of a Catholic civilian near Craigavon, County Armagh; and the third, the killing on of two members of the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) at a checkpoint near the city of Armagh on 12 December 1982. Republicans claimed that these killings represented a deliberate policy by the British security forces of 'shoot-to-kill' as opposed to arresting suspects. See: Rolston, Bill. (2000) 'Shoot to Kill' from: Unfinished Business: State Killings and the Quest for Truth. Belfast: Beyond the Pale. 'Siege Mentality' This particular phrase is often used by Nationalist and Republican politicians in an attempt to explain the mindset of the Unionist / Loyalist community in Northern Ireland. It refers back to the fact that the minority Protestant population in Ireland has always considered itself 'under siege' from the majority Catholic population. Sinn Féin (SF) A Republican political party, the electoral support for which has increased in recent years to between 15 and 17 per cent. Considered to be the political wing of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). The main support for the party is from working-class Catholics. Gerry Adams has been President of Sinn Féin (SF) since 1983. See: Abstracts of Organisations entry. 'The Six Counties' This is a term used by Nationalists, particularly Republicans, to describe Northern Ireland. It refers to the fact that the region is made up of six of the 32 counties of Ireland. Many Unionists take exception to the use of the term. See also: Northern Ireland, 'North of Ireland', 'Province', 'Ulster' Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) A Nationalist political party which supports the aim of a United Ireland but only through non-violent means. The party attracts a lot of middle-class Catholic supporters and also some working-class support. John Hume was leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) from 1979 to 2001 when he stepped down. See: Abstracts of Organisations entry. ''Soft Landing' First used widely by politicians and government officials about political developments connected to the Good Friday Agreement. In particular it referred to attempts during times of political difficulties to initiate a series of moves which meant that political institutions could be put into a period of suspension rather than be allowed to collapse entirely. South of Ireland A term used by some Nationalists to refer to the Republic of Ireland. The implication in the use of the term is that the person views the Republic of Ireland as an integral indivisible part of Ireland. Some Unionists take exception to the use of the term. See also: Éire, Irish Free State, Republic of Ireland, 'Twenty-Six Counties' Special Category Status During the summer of 1972 William Whitelaw, then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, granted 'special category status' to those prisoners convicted of paramilitary-related offences. This gave them privileges such as the right to wear their own clothes, to enjoy free association within designated areas, more prison visits, and not to have to carry out any prison work. After a report commissioned by the British government and published in 1975 it was recommended that such a regime should be phased out from 1 March 1976. As a result anyone convicted on terrorist charges after that date was not permitted to avail of the old system. Almost immediately Republican prisoners began a series of campaigns in order to reinstate 'special category status' and this culminated with the hunger strikes of 1980 and 1981. Special Powers Act The Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act was passed by the recently established Northern Ireland parliament in April 1922. Initially seen as a temporary measure to deal with the widespread unrest at the time, the Special Powers Act, as it was commonly referred to, gave substantial and wide ranging powers to the Northern Ireland Minister of Home Affairs. The Act was renewed annually until 1933 when it became a permanent piece of legislation. To the anger and resentment of the Nationalist community it was regarded as being mainly targeted at them and as a result the repeal of the Special Powers Act became one of the main demands of the civil rights movement in the 1960s. Late in 1968 certain sections of it were repealed but it was not fully replaced until after the suspension of the Northern Ireland parliament by Westminster in March 1972. This was done by the passage of the Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Act in August 1973. See: Northern Ireland. Parliament. (1922) Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act (Northern Ireland) 1922, (7 April 1922). Belfast: HMSO. 'Splinter Group' Throughout the conflict in Northern Ireland some of the main political parties as well as the larger paramilitary organisations have been affected by internal dissent leading to small groups of people leaving in protest. On certain occasions those involved have set up rival organisations to the ones they have just left and these are referred to as 'splinter groups'. 'Stakeknife' The code name of an alleged British army agent operating within the higher echelons of the Republican movement. 'Stalker Affair' Following a series of controversial shooting incidents involving the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) in late 1982, John Stalker, then Deputy Chief Constable of Manchester, was invited in 1984 by the British government to conduct an investigation of the incidents. However, he was later removed from the investigation in order to face unrelated disciplinary charges of which he was completely cleared. Later in a book recounting the events of the period Stalker claimed that he had been a victim of campaign by officials within the British government and the RUC to discredit him. His preliminary report into the shootings has never been published. Stevens Inquiry Following allegations of collusion between the security forces in Northern Ireland and Loyalist paramilitary groups Sir John Stephens, then Deputy Chief Constable of Cambrigeshire, was appointed in 1989 by the British government to carry out an investigation. Since then he has published three reports on the matter. 'Stickies' 'Stickies' was the nickname applied to members and supporters of the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA). It refers to events at a commemoration of the 1916 Easter Rising in 1970 when the OIRA and the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) held separate parades to the Republican plot in Milltown cemetery in Belfast. Supporters of each organisation also sold paper lapel badges depicting the symbol of the Easter lily. PIRA lapel badges were attached by pins while the Easter lilies sold by the OIRA supporters were self-adhesive hence the term 'stickies'. This term was widely used. OIRA supporters referred to PIRA supporters as 'pin heads' however this term was short-lived. Stormont Stormont refers both to the Unionist controlled government of Northern Ireland between 1921 and 1972 and also to the grand buildings in east Belfast in which the government sat between 1932 and 1972. See: Stormont Parliamentary Papers {external_link} Strand One / Strand Two / Strand Three During the series of political negotiations in Northern Ireland in the early 1990s the British government adopted a new approach in which the talks would proceed by way of three distinct strands within which certain issues would be addressed. To begin with Strand One was to involve all the parties apart from the Irish government and look at new structures of government within Northern Ireland. Strand Two would look at the nature of the relationship to be established North - South, that is Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Whilst Strand Three would deal specifically with Anglo-Irish relations. Although the discussions in the early 1990s were to end without any agreement when the process was renewed in the wake of the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994 it was subsequently agreed that the new discussions would be based around the three stranded approach. Substantive This term fist became widely used during the political talks that were to eventually produce the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998. It was employed to convey the impression that the discussions would have be based around the more important and fundamental issues instead of becoming bogged down in more trivial matters. Sunningdale Agreement The name given to the Agreement reached in December 1973 to establish a power-sharing Executive in Northern Ireland and also to set up a Council of Ireland. See: Key Event entry. "Sunningdale for Slow Learners" Seamus Mallon, then deputy leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), used this phrase when describing the political negotiations which culminated with the signing of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in April 1998. He said that the Good Friday Agreement was Sunningdale for slow learners. Supergrass During the early 1980s a number of former members of various paramilitary organisations agreed to cooperate with the authorities in Northern Ireland by agreeing to give evidence concerning their paramilitary activities. In return for inducements from the British government, either financial or by way of a reduced prison sentence, information supplied by these 'supergrasses' was used in the courts against their former colleagues. The practice soon became discredited when doubts began to be raised as to whether they were reliable witnesses. 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