aásthē / nḗpios […] (Il. XVI 685-6) ‘and he was greatly blinded in heart’, (b) […] aásato

aásthē / nḗpios […] (Il. XVI 685-6) ‘and he was greatly blinded in heart’, (b) […] aásato dè mega thumṓi (Il. IX 537) ‘and he was greatly blinded at heart’; (a) tṑ perì Kebriónao léonth’hṑs dērinthḗtēn (Il. XVI 756) ‘so the two joined in strife for Cebriones like two lions’, (b) hṓs pote dērísanto theôn en daitì thaleíēi / ekpáglois epéessin […] (Od. VIII 76-7) ‘how once they strove with violent words at a rich feast of the gods’; (a) […] oud’edunásthē / aîpsa mál’anskhethéein megálou hupò kúmatos hormḗs (Od. V 319-20) ‘nor could he rise at once from beneath the onrush of the great wave’, (b) […] all’oú tis edunḗsato poiména laôn / outásai oudè baleîn […] (Il. XIV 423-4) ‘but no one was able to wound the shepherd of men with thrust or with cast’; (a) [...]ho d’húptios oúdei ereísthē (Il. VII 145) ‘and backward was he hurled upon the earth’, (b) […] kaì ereísato kheirì pakheíēi / gaíēs […] (Il. V 309-10) ‘and with his stout hand leaned he upon the earth’; (a) autàr epeì klaíōn te kulindómenós te korésthēn (Od. IV 541) ‘but when I had had my fill of weeping and writhing’, (b) autàr epeì klaíousa koréssato hòn katà thumón (Od. XX 59) ‘but when her heart had had its fill of weeping’; (a) Teûkros d’hormḗthē memaṑs apò teúkhea dûsai (Il. XIII 182) ‘and Teucer sprang forward with intent to strip him of his armor’, (b) Pēleḯdēs d’hōrmḗsat’Agḗnoros antithéoio / deúteros […] (Il. XXI 595) ‘and the son of Peleus in his turn set on godlike Agenor’; (a) peirḗthē d’héo autoû en éntesi dîos Akhilleús (Il. XIX 384) ‘and noble Achilles tested himself in his armor’, (b) dexiterêi d’ára kheirì labṑn peirḗsato neurês (Od. XXI 410) ‘and taking it in his right hand, he tried the string’. Correspondences only between non-finite verb forms: (a) mermḗrixe d’épeita katàphréna kaì katà thumón / ēé min autòn patròs eáseie mnēsthênai (Od. IV 117-8) ‘and he debated in mind and heart whether he should leave him to speak of his father himself’, (b) éntha s’épeita, ánax, kélomai mnḗsasthai emeîo (Od. XI 71) ‘there, then, my lord, I bid you remember me’; (a) stêt’elelikhthéntes […] (Il. XI 588) ‘[My friends, leadres and rulers of Argives] turn around and stand’, (b) tḕn d’elelixámenos ptérugos láben amphiakhuîan (Il. II 316) ‘but he coiled himself andcaught her by the wing as she screamed at him’; (a) oukét’épeit’oḯō oud’ággelon aponéesthai / ápsorron protì ástu helikhthéntōn húp’Akhaiôn (Il. XII 73-4) ‘then I think that not one man of us will return back to the city from before the Achaeans when they rally, even to bear the tidings’, (b) kékleto d’antithéoisin helixámenos Lukíoisin (Il. XII 408) ‘and he wheeled about, and called aloud to the godlike Lycians’; (a) hṑs ho prósth’híppōn kaì díphrou keîto tanustheís (Il. XIII 392) ‘so before his horses nd chariot Asius lay outstretched’, (b) keît’éntosth’ántroio tanussámenos dià mḗlōn (Od. IX 298) ‘he lay down within the cave, stretched out among the sheep’. These forms are not much attested in the Herodotus’ Histories. Moreover, in the same structures Herodotus’ Histories exhibit “passive aorist” forms and Homeric poems middle sigmatic forms: cf. (a) Hoûtos dḕ ho Kandaúlēs ērásthē tês heōutoû gunaikós (Hdt. I 8, 1) ‘This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own wife’, (b) […] tês dè kratùs Argeiphóntēs / ērásat[o] […] (Il. XVI 181-2) ‘with her the strong Argeïphontes became enamored’; (a) Taût’akoúsas Polukrátēs hḗsthē te kaì eboúleto (ex. Hdt. III 123, 1) ‘Hearing this, Polycrates liked the plan and consented’, (b) […] hḗsato d’ainôs / hēdù potòn pínōn kaì m’ḗitee deúteron aûtis (Od. IX 353) ‘and he was wondrously pleased as he drank the sweet draught, and asked me for it again a second time’.

22^ Rosen (1988 [1981]: 21-25) attributes the difference between unaccusative Italian structures with the pronominal marker si or without it (as, for instance, in La catena si è rotta ‘the chain broke’ and La nave è affondata ‘the ship sank’) to the distinction between ‘retroherent’ vs. ‘plain’ unaccusative advancement of the Object to the Subject relation. Retroherent unaccusative structures have a multiattachment stratum (manifested by the pronominal marker si), whereas the plain unaccusative structures do not have any multiattachment stratum (and do not show any pronominal marker). In his account of auxiliation patterns in Dante’s vernacular, La Fauci (2004) remarks that, in some unaccusative structures, there are lexical items that occur with or without the pronominal marker si. He suggests that this morphosyntactic difference expresses the syntactic difference between multiattachment and lack thereof in unaccusative structures. Obviously, the two languages (Ancient Greek and Old Italian) do not resemble each other as far as the morphosyntactic marking of this difference is concerned: the pronominal marker si and the auxiliary pattern essere in Old Italian; the inflection and the affixes -ē-/-thē- in Ancient Greek. Nevetheless, both languages clearly highlight the fact that the difference is not dependent on lexical items, but is determined by syntactic conditions.

23^ Cf. Tronci (2011).

24^ All these examples are extracted from the translation of Homeric poems in Modern Greek, available on the web at: http://www.phys.uoa.gr/~nektar/arts/tributes/omhros/index.htm

25^ I suppose that “approximately” must be added to my claim, because it is not founded on a corpus-based research, but only on Modern Greek grammars.

26^ As far as the root aorist is concerned, for example, there is a clear difference between Homer’s and Herodotus’ respective data: Homeric athematic verb forms, such as éphthito (ex. Il. XVIII 100), lúto (ex. Od. IV 703), exéssuto (ex. Od. IX 373), khúto (ex. Il. XX 282), ámpnuto (ex. Od. V 458), plêto (from pelázō, ex. Il. XIV 468), plêto (from pímplēmi, ex. Il. XVIII 50), apéktato (ex. Il. XV 437), lékto (ex. Od. IX 335) do not occur in Herodotus’ Histories.

27^ “Permanence, statics in time, becomes a pertinent problem of diachronic linguistics, while dynamics, the interplay of subcodes within the whole of a language, grows into a crucial question of linguistic synchrony” (Jakobson 1958: 24).

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