Disabilities Neg On Case 1nc automobility



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___ State based tolerance for people with disabilities is part of a lrger biopolitical process that places menace identities wilthin the zone of necropolitcal empire building and violent nationalism.


McRuer, George Washington University, in '10 [Robert, “Disability Nationalism in Crip Times”, Journal of Literary & Cultural Disability Studies, Volume 4, Number 2]

Finally, and most importantly for the remainder of this article, disability studies does not yet have a necessary recognition of uneven biopolitical incorporation— an awareness, translating from Puar’s theorizing, of disabled subjects who in certain times and places are made representative and “targeted for life” even as others are disabled in different ways, or cripped, or targeted for death. The geopolitics of disability in our time nonetheless demands such a recognition. It’s telling to me, in fact, as I move towards spelling out in the next section what this dual recognition might look like, that Murderball—a documentary film that presents teams of disabled men competing in the contact sport of quadacclaimed in numerous locations, nominated for an Academy Award, and at this point endlessly debated in disability studies (largely because of the normative masculinity represented in the film), Murderball represents out and proud disability identities and fascinating integrationist moments, including a final scene at George W. Bush’s White House, with Mark Zupan, one of the “stars” of the U.S. Paralympic Team, receiving recognition directly from the former U.S. president. There are undoubtedly many reasons why disability studies has had a slightly different transnational trajectory, and to conclude this section I briefly mention two possibilities before turning in the next section to a consideration of Guantanamo. First, since the emergence of “the disability category” over the past two centuries, disability has arguably sustained a privileged relation to the state. As Stone, Snyder and Mitchell, and many others have demonstrated, it is largely at the level of the state that disability is “managed” (and Snyder and Mitchell’s analysis of what they call “the eugenic Atlantic” traces transnational state sharing of ideas even as disabled populations are, over much of the period they examine, increasingly immobilized, institutionalized, or otherwise controlled or eliminated). Given that fraught state-based history, it is perhaps not terribly surprising that the movement and the field have subsequently attempted to intervene or strike back at the level of the state: actions later in the twentieth century—such as the 1978 protests and sit-ins in Washington and San Francisco which intended to push enforcement of Section 504 of the U.S. Rehabilitation Act (which prohibited discrimination against disabled people by any agency receiving federal funding) or, of course, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990—provide important examples of such interventions. Second, the trajectory has perhaps been different for disability studies because we are simply quite used to locating disability as the necessary residue of processes of incorporation. In Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco’s Chinatown, for instance, Nayan Shah’s important book on San Francisco and the consolidation of public health services in the nineteenth century, Asian and Asian American bodies are identified in the history Shah traces as “menace” first and “model minority” later. The unassimilable bodies in Shah’s story, however, the ones who do not make the cut, as it were, as menace becomes model minority, are perceived by various authorities as excessive, addicted, disabled, diseased, and contagious. And I would argue that as disability-studies scholars, reading such work, we tend to think, somewhat knowingly, “yes, no big surprise there.” Murderball, however, is just one prominent sign—whether marking at this point simply an emergent discourse or not—that something else is also goingon. And disability cultural studies in the academy is arguably another such sign—a multivalent sign, certainly, but a sign nonetheless. Disability studies, in other words (and this is of course bigger than any individual scholar or activist), is caught up in relatively new biopolitical processes; to call back Puar, disability studies does in fact seem concerned (and rightly so) with the “securitization and valorization” of various lives and populations. This vital political project, however, is inescapably non-innocent, caught up in the larger geopolitical processes Foucault describes in The Birth of Biopolitics: On the horizon of this analysis we see instead the image, idea, or the program of a society in which there is an optimization of systems of difference, in which the field is left open to fluctuating processes, in which minority individuals and practices are tolerated, in which action is brought to bear on the rules of the game rather than on the players, and finally in which there is an environmental type of intervention instead of the internal subjugation of individuals. (259–60) Puar’s contribution to transnational queer studies is not only her analysis of the ways in which new forms of “tolerance” are linked to securitization and valorization and thereby “optimized” by and for the neoliberal state and for Empire, but also of the ways in which this environmental intervention simultaneously masks ongoing necropolitical projects.



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