PROCEEDINGS OF HEWITT INQUIRY 427
trips of regular Navy supply vessels; that the Army understood that these forces must be quartered in tents; that the Navy must be responsible for supplying water and subsistence and transporting other Army supplies; that the stationing of these planes must not be allowed to interfere with planned movements of Army bombers to the Philippines; and, that additional parking areas should be laid promptly if necessary. A question was raised as to whether or not Navy bombs at outlying positions could be carried by Army bombers which might fly to those positions in order to support Navy operations. CincPac was directed to confer with the Commanding General and advise as soon as practicable.
XV. INTERCEPTED JAPANESE COMMUNICATIONS OF NOVEMBER 26th AND 27th
On November 26th and 27th, there were available in Washington additional intercepted Japanese messages, all of which had been sent from Tokyo, as follows:
(1) Navy translation on November 27, 1941 (Document 14; Exhibit 63) of a message to Nanking, dated 15 November 1941, in the so‑called "Purple" code, addressed to "Naval authorities" which stated:
"We are now in the midst of very serious negotiations and have not reached an agreement as yet. As the time limit is near please have them (defer?) for a while."
(2) A Navy translation on November 26, 1941 (Document 13, Exhibit 63) of a message to Washington, dated 19 November 1941, stating that:
"When our diplomatic relations are becoming dangerous, we will add the following at the beginning and end of our general intelligence broadcasts:
"(1) if it is Japan‑U. S. relations, "HIGASHI",
"(2) Japan‑Russia relations, "KITA",
"(3) Japan‑British relations, (including Thai, Malaya and N. E. I.), "NISHI"
"The above will be repeated five times and included at beginning and end. Relay to Rio de Janeiro; Buenos Aires, Mexico City, San Francisco."
(3) An Army translation on November 26, 1941 (Document 9, Exhibit 68) of a message to Manila, dated November 20, 1941, in the "Purple" code, marked "Strictly Secret" and stating:
"Please advise immediately the results of your investigations as to the type of draft—presumed to be in the waters adjacent to Subic Bay. (Near Manila, P. I.)
"Furthermore, please transmit these details to the Asama Maru as well as to Tokyo."
(4) An Army translation on November 26, 1941 (Document 12, Exhibit 63) of a message to Washington, dated November 26, 1941, in the "Purple" code, which stated:
"To be handled in Government Code.
"The situation is momentarily becoming more tense and telegrams take too long. Therefore, will you cut down the substance of your reports of negotiations to the minimum and, on occasion, call up Chief YAMAMOTO of the American Bureau on the telephone and make your request to him. At that time we will use the following code: (Codes were then set forth.)"
XVI. THE STATE DEPARTMENT NOTE OF NOVEMBER 26th
Dr. Stanley K. Hornbeck, of the State Department, testified that by the end of October it was evident that Japan and the United States could not agree. Early in November, the Secretary of State came to the conclusion that the question could not be solved by diplomacy (page 764). On November 20th, the Japanese submitted the things they wanted, which it was impossible to agree to. On November 26th, the Secretary of State gave Nomura and Kurusu a note setting forth the United States position. The following day the Secretary of State again said that he could not settle this by diplomacy, but that he still hoped that the Japanese might came forward with some reply. Between November 26th and December 7th, the President sent a note to the Emperor of Japan (page 764). While it was evident that no agreement could be reached, this did not necessarily mean that Japan and the United States could not get along without an agreement (Page 765).
Dr. Hornbeck had no recollection of discussing the note of November 26th with Admiral Stark or the Secretary of the Navy (page 765). He did not consider this note as an ultimatum to Japan (page 766). The text of the note of November 26th was not released until after December 7th. The Secretary of State had a press conference at which he announced that a note had been sent and the press discussed a variety of possibilities (page 772).
428 CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATION PEARL HARBOR ATTACK
Mr. Hamilton, also of the State Department, said that on November 21st, there was a conference which the Secretary of State, Admiral Stark, General Gerow, and Mr. Hornbeck, Ballantine and he were present, and at which the general military and diplomatic situation in the Pacific was discussed (page 1073). There were later meetings at which he was not present, including one of the War Council on November 25th and also on November 28th (page 1074). Mr. Hamilton could not be sure whether the note of November 26th or the substance thereof was given to the Navy Department (page 1073)
Admiral Turner remembered the Japanese dispatch concerning the note to Japan of November 26th and he saw it on November 28th. He believed that Admiral Schuirmann had brought it over from Secretary Hull to show it to Admiral Stark, and that Admiral Stark had stated that there was no possibility of Japan accepting this note (page 995)
Admiral Stark stated that he did not recall the November 26th note to the Japanese (page 108) but that on November 27th, Secretary of State Hull had advised him that negotiations were terminated (page 109). Admiral Stark later testified that when first asked about this note he had not remembered it, but after reading it his recollection was refreshed, and that Admiral Schuirmann may have discussed this note with him at the time (page 809).
Admiral Schuirmann stated that to the best of his recollection he did not deliver a copy of the November 26th note to the Navy Department, nor did he specifically inform Admiral Stark of this note (page 217). He characterized this note as an "ultimatum" in the sense that no one expected the Japanese to accept its terms (page 716).
Admiral Turner said that negotiations with Japan had been conducted so as to delay war as long as possible in order to give the Army and Navy time to prepare for war (page 1013). He knew that the Army and Navy had recommended that no ultimatum be given to Japan (Exhibit 39A). He did not consider that the note of November 26th was an ultimatum, although he did not expect Japan to accept its terms (page 1015). He did not know whether Admiral Stark saw a draft of the November 28th note before it was sent, but Admiral Turner did see it. He said that no note given by one government to another is ever entirely acceptable (page 1018). He did not regard the note as important (page 1023), nor think it hastened the time of war because Japan was then already on the move (page 1024).
General Short testified that prior to December 7th, he had no knowledge of the State Department note of November 26th (page 283).
The court took judicial notice of the note of November 26th (page 147). A Japanese summary of the diplomatic situation and of the American proposal, and the reaction of the Japanese to that proposal, were contained in communications intercepted, decoded and translated on November 28th. These were:
(1) An Army translation (Document 16, Exhibit 63) of a message from Washington to Tokyo, dated November 26, 1941, in the "Purple" code and marked "Extremely urgent," Message #1180, reading:
"From NOMURA and KURUSU.
"As we have wired you several times, there is hardly any possibility of having them consider our "B" proposal in toto. On the other hand, if we let the situation remain tense as it is now, sorry as we are to say so, the negotiations will inevitably be ruptured, if indeed they may not already be called so. Our failure and humiliation are complete. We might suggest one thing for saving the situation. Although we have grave misgivings, we might propose, first, that President ROOSEVELT wire you that for the sake of posterity he hopes that Japan and the United States will cooperate for the maintenance of peace in the Pacific (just as soon as you wire us what you think of this, we will negotiate for this sort of an arrangement with all we have in us), and that you in return reply with a cordial message, thereby not only clearing the atmosphere, but also gaining a little time. Considering the possibility that England and the United States are scheming to bring the Netherlands Indies under their protection through military occupation, in order to forestall this, I think we should propose the establishment of neutral nations, including French Indo‑China Netherlands India and Thai. (As you know, last September President ROOSEVELT proposed the neutrality of French Indo‑China and Thai.)
"We suppose that the rupture of the present negotiations does not necessarily mean war between Japan and the United States, but after we break off, as we said, the military occupation of Netherlands India is to be expected of England and the United States. Then we would attack them and a clash with them would be inevitable. Now, the question is whether or not Germany would feel duty bound by the third article of the treaty to help us. We doubt if she would.
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