Inherency- obama has already Solved 3 Harms- other things cause homelessness 5

AT- Gentrification Good

NEIL SMITH- Professor of Anthropology and Geography at the City University of New York. – 1996- THE NEW URBAN FRONTIER

Gentrification and the revanchist city- Page- 22

Whereas the myth of the frontier is an invention that rationalizes the violence of gentrification and displacement, the everyday frontier on which the myth is hung is the stark product of entrepreneurial exploitation. Thus whatever its visceral social and cultural reality, the frontier language camouflages a raw economic reality. Areas that were once sharply redlined by banks and other financial institutions were sharply “greenlined” in the 1980s. Loan officers are instructed to take down their old maps with red lines around working-class and minority neighborhoods and replace them with new maps sporting green lines: make every possible loan within the greenlined neighborhood. In the Lower East Side as elsewhere, the new urban frontier is a frontier of profitability. Whatever else is revitalized, the profit rate in gentrifying neighborhoods is revitalized; indeed many working class neighborhoods experience a dramatic “devitalization” as incoming yuppies erect metal bars on their doors and windows, disavow the streets for parlor living, fence off their stoops, and evict undesirables from “their” parks.

AT- Were not gentrification, were redevelopment

NEIL SMITH- Professor of Anthropology and Geography at the City University of New York. – 1996- THE NEW URBAN FRONTIER

Gentrification and the revanchist city- Page- 37

In this regard, what we think of as gentrification has itself undergone a vital transition. If in the early 1960s it made sense to think of gentrification very much in the quaint and specialized language of residential rehabilitation that Ruth Glass employed, this is no longer so today. In my own research I began by making a strict distinction between gentrification (which involved rehabilitation of existing stock) and redevelopment that involved wholly new construction (N.Smith 1979a), and at a time when gentrification was distinguishing itself from large-scale urban renewal this made some sense. But I no longer feel that it is such a useful distinction. Indeed 1979 was already a bit late for this distinction. How, in the larger context of changing social geographies, are we to distinguish adequately between the rehabilitation of nineteenth-century housing, the construction of new condominium towers, the opening of festival markets to attract local and not so local tourists, the proliferation of wine bars—and boutiques for everything— and the construction of modern and postmodern office buildings employing thousands of professionals, all looking for a place to live (see, for example, A.Smith, 1989)? This after all describes the new landscapes of downtown Baltimore or central Edinburgh, waterfront Sydney or riverside Minneapolis. Gentrification is no longer about a narrow and quixotic oddity in the housing market but has become the leading residential edge of a much larger endeavor: the class remake of the central urban landscape. It would be anachronistic now to exclude redevelopment from the rubric of gentrification, to assume that the gentrification of the city was restricted to the recovery of an elegant history in the quaint mews and alleys of old cities, rather than bound up with a larger restructuring (Smith and Williams 1986).

AT- Gentrification solve suburban sprawl

NEIL SMITH- Professor of Anthropology and Geography at the City University of New York. – 1996- THE NEW URBAN FRONTIER

Gentrification and the revanchist city- Page- 37

Having stressed the ubiquity of gentrification at the end of the twentieth century, and its direct connection to fundamental processes of urban economic, political and geographical restructuring, I think it is important to temper this vista with a sense of context. It would be foolish to think that the partial geographical reversal in the focus of urban reinvestment implies the converse, the end of the suburbs. Suburbanization and gentrification are certainly interconnected. The dramatic suburbanization of the urban landscape in the last century or more provided an alternative geographical locus for capital accumulation and thereby encouraged a comparative disinvestment at the center— most intensely so in the US. But there is really no sign that the rise of gentrification has diminished contemporary suburbanization. Quite the opposite. The same forces of urban restructuring that have ushered new landscapes of gentrification to the central city have also transformed the suburbs. The recentralization of office, retail, recreation and hotel functions has been accompanied by a parallel decentralization which has led to much more functionally integrated suburbs with their own more or less urban centres—edge cities as they have been called (Garreau 1991). If suburban development has in most places been more volatile since the 1970s in response to the cycles of economic Is gentrification a dirty word? 37 expansion and contraction, suburbanization still represents a more powerful force than gentrification in the geographical fashioning of the metropolis.

Philosophy of Homelessness – Case Attack/ Turn 1NC Frontline

The plan would force homeless into interactions with the state where they will be marginalized and stigmatized

LISTER– PROF LOUGHBOROUGH U- 2004- POVERTY,

The notion of "the poor' as Other is used here to signify the many ways in which 'the poor' are treated as different from the rest of society. The capital *0' denotes its symbolic weight. The notion of 'Othering* conveys how this is not an inherent state but an ongoing process animated by the 'non-poor'. It is a dualistic process of differentiation and demar¬cation, by which the line is drawn between 'us* and 'them' -between the more and the less powerful - and through which social distance is established and maintained (Bercsford and Croft, 1995; Riggins, 1997). It is not a neutral line, for it is imbued with negative value judgements that construct 'the poor' variously as a source of moral contamination, a threat, an 'undeserving' economic burden, an object of pity or even as an exotic species. It is a process that takes place at different levels and in different fora: from everyday social relations through interaction with welfare officials and professionals to research, the media, the legal system and policy-making {Schram, 1995). Valerie Polakow, for example, describes how, in the US, schools, teacher training institutions and research institutes arc all 'implicated in the framing of poor children as other, and in institutionalizing the legitimacy of their otherness status' (1993: 150, emphasis in original). Othering is closely associated with, and reinforced by, a number of related social processes such as stereotyping, somatization and the more neutral categorization. Stereo¬typing is a discriminatory form of labelling, which attains a taken-for-granted quality and serves to portray particular social groups as homogeneous. It is a discursive strategy that magnifies and distorts difference (Riggins, 1997). Michael Pickering writes that 'stereotypes operate as socially exorcistic rituals in maintaining the boundaries of normality and legitimacy' (2001: 45). He suggests that normally 'stereotyp¬ing attempts to translate cultural difference into Otherness, in the interests of order, power and control' (2001: 204). In contrast, in the case of 'the poor', stereotyping functions to create cultural difference and thereby the Other. At the same time, as we saw in chapter 3, those groups who are more likely to be poor - women, racialized minorities and disabled people - are themselves groups that are frequently Othered.

IMPACT – The Internalization of stigma the plan causes the loss of self dignity, which is fundamental to living a valuable life

LISTER 2004 – PROF LOUGHBOROUGH U

POVERTY, PAGE

Where the stigma of poverty is internalized, shame is a likely consequence (Goffman, 1968). As noted in the Intro­duction, participatory research in the South has underscored the centrality of shame and humiliation to the experience of poverty. Narayan et al. note that, because of the stigma asso­ciated with poverty in eastern Kuropc as well as the South, 'poor people often try to conceal their poverty to avoid humiliation and shame' (2000: 38). So too in some more affluent countries feelings of shame and experiences of humil­iation are recurrent themes when people in poverty are asked what poverty and claiming welfare mean to them (Polakow, 1993; Kempson, 1996). Indeed, in a report of a visit to the UK, two community workers from south India, Stan and Mari Thekaekara, comment that 'the stigma attached to being poor is far greater here in the UK' and observe a strong 'sense of shame' (1994: 21). As Adam Smith recognized over two centuries ago, cloth­ing, as a key signifier of relative poverty (see chapter 1), rep­resents a visible badge of shame and humiliation (Gilroy and Speak, 1998; C. C. Williams, 2002). This is particularly so for children. Ridge's study of childhood poverty found that wearing the (unaffordable) appropriate, fashionable clothing is crucial to 'fitting in*, friendships and avoidance of both bul­lying and social exclusion. One child explained that 'if you don't wear trendy stuff... not so many people will be your friend 'cos of what you wear'; another that 'you've got to keep going with the trend otherwise you kind of get picked on' (Ridge, 2002: 68). This study and earlier research by Mid-dleton et al. (1994) underline the importance to children and young people of clothing as an expression of their emergent identities. More generally, the shame and humiliation associ­ated with poverty can be particularly difficult to bear for this age group. Willow observes that discussions about poverty with children living in deprived areas were all 'woven with the threads of stigma and shame' (2001: 12). This is likely to be a contributory factor in the lower self-esteem of many children who have grown up in poverty (Krmisch et al., 2001; Ruxton and Bennett, 2002). The significance of shame and humiliation is not to be underestimated. They play an important role in maintaining inequality and social hierarchy. They are painfully injurious to identity, self-respect and self-esteem, in other words to how we feel about ourselves (Rawls, 1973; I lonncth, 1995). A participant in a UK Coalition against Poverty workshop describes what the loss of self-esteem feels like: 'You're like an onion and gradually every skin is peeled off of you and there's nothing left. All your self-esteem and how you feel about yourself is gone - you're left feeling like nothing and then your family feels like that' (UKCAP, 1997: 12). Shame and humiliation peel away self-esteem and negate the iden­tity of many people who experience poverty. In his study of social identity, Richard Jenkins suggests that Goffman's analysis of stigma demonstrates how 'others don't just per­ceive our identity, they actively constitute it. And they do so not only in terms of naming or categorising, but in terms of how they respond to or treat us' (1996: 74). While labelling does nor determine identity in a fixed way, Jenkins argues that 'public image may become self-image. Our own sense of humanity is a hostage to categorising judgements of others' (1996: 57). Questions of identity have implications for the political agency of people in poverty; these will be explored in chapter 6. Here, I simply want to make a related link between iden- elected chairperson of a food co-op and of how other volun­teers 'respected me and it gave me more confidence' (Holman, 1998: 45; see also Wood and Vamplew, 1999). According to John Rawls, self-respect is 'perhaps the most important primary good' (1973: 440). Sen (1999) identifies self-respect as a key functioning (see chapter 1) and its significance is explored in greater depth in the work of Nusshaum. She includes in her list of central human func­tional capabilities: 'having the social bases of self-respect and non-humiliation; being able to be treated as a dignified being whose worth is equal to that of others' (2000: 79). The achievement of this principle with regard to people living in poverty has implications not just for how they are treated in everyday social relations but also for the organization of society. This is acknowledged, in principle at least, in the 1998 French Law against Social Exclusion. Article 1 states that 'the struggle against exclusion is a national necessity based on respect for the equal worth of all human beings'. At European level, the EC has recommended that Member States should recognize the right to a level of social assistance sufficient to enable members 'to live in a manner compatible with human dignity' (cited in Veit-Wilson, 1998: 86).

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