Japan Aff Michigan 2010 / ccgjp lab – 7wks


Exts: US-Japan Relations [5/5]



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Exts: US-Japan Relations [5/5]



Japan Wants US Troops Gone. US Must Reduce Its Military Presence to Maintain Relations – Japanese Voters Prove.
Vaughan March 2010 (Dr. Michael Vaughan, national reporter, March 2010, “Japan’s New Government – Finding Or Losing Its Way?”, http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/eserv/UQ:200332/JAPAN.pdf)Sfitz

Okinawa is Japan’s poorest Prefecture, its history and culture are distinct from those of the rest of the country and its inhabitants feel like secondclass citizens. They recall that Okinawa bore the brunt of the US invasion of April 1945 and many believe that at the time the Imperial Japanese Army forced its soldiers to commit mass suicide rather than surrender to the Americans. In a poll of Okinawan residents taken in November 2009, more than 52% favored removing all the US bases completely. Just under 12% wished to maintain the status quo, perhaps because of the employment opportunities and rental payments that the US presence provides them. For its part, the US military has largely treated Okinawa as its own fiefdom since 1945. Some 12,500 Americans died and 37,000 were wounded in the battle for the island. Until it officially reverted to Japan in 1972, the US military ran the place with a free hand, often defying the wishes of both the Japanese Government and the US State Department. In one incident, in 1966, the US military secretly transported nuclear weapons from Okinawa to Honshu, Japan’s main island, in flagrant violation of the 1960 Security Agreement. The US military also resisted Okinawa’s reversion to Japanese rule and it continues to have a proprietary attitude about what takes place there. The US Government should respect Japan’s desire to reduce the US military presence on its sovereign territory, as it has respected the same desire on the part of Germany, South Korea and the Philippines. It should be willing to renegotiate the agreement that governs the presence of US troops in Japan, which to some is redolent of 19th Century assertions of extraterritoriality. It should be aware that, at the end of the day, Japanese voters will determine the course of the alliance.
The US Must Remove Troops to Increase Relations – Troops are Unnecessary
Vaughan March 2010 (Dr. Michael Vaughan, national reporter, March 2010, “Japan’s New Government – Finding Or Losing Its Way?”, http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/eserv/UQ:200332/JAPAN.pdf)Sfitz

Nonetheless, it remains to be seen if and how the DPJ will implement its declared policies. It has called for revising the 1960 USJapanese statusofforces agreement but has yet to explain how. Secretary General Ozawa has said that US military bases in Japan are unnecessary and that the presence of the US Navy’s Seventh Fleet is sufficient to protect both the United States’ and Japan’s interests. He told reporters in February 2009, “We are depending too heavily on the US, which is why we are so obedient to the wishes of America. If Japan would make up its mind about itself, there would be no need for the US to have its forces on the front lines in Japan.” Prime Minister Hatoyama, for his part, has argued that the presence of the US military is only necessary in times of emergency. Such calls for reform, however, were tempered by North Korea’s nuclear tests and missile launches. Such fearful developments by the unpredictable and verbally aggressive regime in Pyongyang may have prompted Prime Minister Hatoyama, in his first conversation with President Obama on 3 September 2009, to reaffirm Japan’s familiar commitment to “build[ing] constructive, futureoriented relations with the JapanUS alliance as the cornerstone. Diplomatically, Japan is increasingly becoming dangerously marginalized. It will soon be replaced by China as the worlds secondlargest economy. People are afraid that the USJapan relationship is diminishing as the SinoUS relationship is strengthening. Additionally, partly because of the threat posed by North Koreas nuclear program, the Japanese themselves feel increasingly isolated and exposed. If the DPJ is serious about overcoming Japan’s perceived loss of diplomatic influence, it must revitalize the Japanese economy and demonstrate publicly that its “enter Asia, enter the West” strategy is viable.

US-Japan Relations Good – Terrorism/Prolif [1/1]



US Japan Relations are Key to Checking International Terrorism and Prolif
Przystup 2005 (James J. Przystup, Senior Research Fellow in the Institute for National Strategic Studies, June 2005, “U.S.-Japan Relations: Progress Toward a Mature Partnership”, http://permanent.access.gpo.gov/lps82539/Przystup_OP_072005.pdf)Sfitz

When the Security Consultative Committee met next, in December 2002 in Washington, DC, it issued a statement at the conclusion of the meeting on December 16 that spoke to the transformed nature of the international security environment. Terrorism was the first issue mentioned. Reflecting the events of 9/11, the document stated that terrorism poses “a serious threat to the U.S., Japan and the entire international community” and that in dealing with international terrorism, “continued action and cooperation are of the highest importance.” Addressing the “threats posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems, including ballistic missiles,” the statement expressed concern that “not only states but also international terrorist organizations are increasingly able to obtain and use weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems.” Efforts to secure Iraq’s compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1441 were supported by the United States and Japan, who agreed to “coordinate their views even more closely” in the event that “Iraq’s behavior requires further action on the part of the international community.” In the Asia-Pacific region, Washington and Tokyo discussed “persistent instability and uncertainty” attendant on the “expansion and modernization of military capabilities” and focused on activities related to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) as well as the actions of international terrorists. The governments also expressed “grave concern” with the nuclear challenge posed by North Korea and called on Pyongyang to “to give up any nuclear programs in a prompt and verifiable fashion.”3 Just over 2 years later, on February 19, 2005, the Security Consultative Committee met again in Washington, DC. As highlighted in the Joint Statement issued at the end of the talks, the meeting marked the ongoing convergence of a common strategic vision and a shared understanding that the alliance enhances the security of both countries and the Asia-Pacific region, as well as the cause of “global peace and stability.” Toward the Asia-Pacific region, the Joint Statement set forth a number of common strategic objectives.



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