Japan Aff Michigan
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- AT: Soldiers Will Be Soldiers
AT: It Was An AccidentThe Rape Incident that occurred was not an accident Sendagaya 4-26-7 (Member of the Japanese communist party writing an article about the terrible things US troops do in Japan in an article titled “The Problem of US military bases in Okinawa”) The crime did not happen by accident. That is why the suppressed anger of the prefecture’s people exploded. Just after Okinawa was returned to Japan, a woman was raped and killed (in Ginowan City in 1972); a young man who was allowed to enter the training site to mow the grass was run after and was shot in the arm deliberately by U.S. soldiers with an illuminating bomb and was severely wounded (on Iejima Island in 1974). In the year when the rape of the school girl occurred, a woman was beaten to death by a U.S. soldier who broke into her room in an apartment building in Ginowan City. Even after that, crimes and accidents involving U.S. soldiers have often taken place, as represented by the killing of a mother and her two children in a car accident and the hit-and-run case of a high school girl. AT: Soldiers Will Be SoldiersWe force the Japanese people to live with murderers and rapists that we call our soldiers Sendagaya 4-26-7 (Member of the Japanese communist party writing an article about the terrible things US troops do in Japan in an article titled “The Problem of US military bases in Okinawa”) The number of criminal offenses by U.S. soldiers that have occurred since the reversion of Okinawa in 1972 is about 5,000. Of them, atrocious crimes such as a murder, robbery and rape account for more than 10 percent. This figure represents only the number of cases the Okinawa prefectural police dealt with. There are quite a few cases that are not reflected in the statistics, such as the ones where offenders were not identified or the injured have decided not to confront the perpetrators. According to a survey published in the October 7-8, 1995 issue of the Dayton Daily News, a U.S. newspaper, the U.S. bases in Japan came to the top in the world in terms of the number of sexual crimes by U.S. Navy servicemen and the Marines. Seventy percent of the U.S. Navy and the Marine Corps stationed in Japan is concentrated in Okinawa, thereby many crimes occur there. The Okinawan people are forced to live under the danger of possible crimes by U.S. soldiers even on their way to and from schools and at home.
A. Military presence in Okinawa tanks their economy Bandow 98 - senior fellow at Cato Instituion and special assistant to Reagan (9/1/98, Doug, “Okinawa: Liberating Washington's East Asian Military Colony” Policy Analysis no. 314) Finally, the Marines cite the financial benefits received by Okinawa. Indeed, they have produced a slick brochure touting the money that the Marine Corps infuses into the community, including more than $4.5 million that "local Okinawa moving companies will earn" moving service- men and their families from Okinawan to base housing.67 (The Air Force has generated cheaper advertising for its community service and environmental activities. Although some islanders obviously do benefit, more of them suffer from the loss of alternative economic opportunities. The number of Okinawans employed on the bases has fallen from 40,000 to 8,200 since 1972; the share of the prefectural product generated from the military bases has dropped from 16 percent to 5 percent over the same period. There seems little doubt that Okinawans, who enjoy a per capita income just 70 percent of that of other Japanese, could put the portion of their island now occu- pied by U.S. facilities to better use. Koji Taira, a professor at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, calls the 20 percent (base share of island land area) minus the 5 percent (base share of island economy) a 15 percent "deadweight loss. But even that number, he argues, understates the true social and environmental costs borne by the residents of Okinawa because of the American bases. The 15 percent loss does not include the pres- sure on land rents in the rest of Okinawa due to the withdrawal of 20 percent of the area from civilian use; inconveniences to civil air trans- portation due to restrictions on the use of air space; closures of port facilities and waters to civilian shipping, fishing, or recreational activities because of naval and other military requirements; deadly effects of toxic wastes of the bases seeping into the soil or running off into the sea; deafening noises of bombers, fight- ers, and helicopters which physically damage young school children and disrupt their learning processes; accidents in the air and on the roads caused by U.S. military aircraft and vehicles; destruction of nature by live-ammunition artillery exercises, which also deny civilian access to highways in the exercise areas; crimes committed by off-duty service personnel against civilians and their properties; and on, almost ad infinitum. In any case, economic benefits for Okinawa offer no reason for the United States to station troops there. A false patriotism has long been the last refuge of the scoundrel seeking to justify economic privileges. Now salaries and rental payments seem to be the last refuge of the scoundrel seeking to justify outdated military commit- ments. Of course, the ultimate decisionmakers are the politicians, not the military officers. Gen. Frank Libutti, commander of the 3rd MEF, recently told the Daily Yomiuri newspaper, "Any further reductions of forces on Okinawa would hurt our ability to provide peace, stability and prosperity to the entire Asia-Pacific region. He is right in the sense that if the U.S. and Japanese govern- ments expect the Marines to police all of East Asia, then the Marines need to be stationed close by, and the most obvious location is Okinawa. But with the end of the Cold War, there is no reason to expect the Marines to play such a role. And many Okinawans understand that the root of Washington's military presence is the belief that Washington should run the world. Moriteru Arasaki expresses the hope that "the American people will try to change U.S. government policy. B. Okinawa’s economy key to Japan’s economy. Hook and Siddle, 3- Ph.D. Professors at School of East Asian Studies at Sheffield University (Glenn D., Richard, “Japan and Okinawa: Structure and Subjectivity,” p.1-42) Okinawa. It subordinate integration into global, regional and national orders has posed a challenge for the governments of peoples of Okinawa for centuries. While this structural subordination of Okinawa and the wider Ryuku islands during the period of the Chinese world order was never complete, and was ameliorated by the cultural and economic benefits it brought, Satsuma’s extension of control over the islands from 1609 onwards created a triangular relationship with both China and Japan. In the face of Western imperial expansion, the pace of Okinawa’s asymmetrical incorporation into the Japanese empire quickened with the annexation and dismantling of the island kingdom from 1879. This was followed by its integration, albeit often belatedly, into the political and economic structures of the rapidly developing Japanese state as ‘Okinawa Prefecture.’ Until the empire’s defeat in 1945, Okinawa was part of another, as yet little explored, triangular relationship, sitting between the empire of Japan proper and the colony of Taiwan (Formosa), acquired in 1895 as part of the treaty of Shimonoseki. This policy of subordinating the Ryukus within Japanese political and economic, if not cultural, space was part of the historical development of Japan was a sub-imperial power in East Asia. The particular catch-up path of development pursued by Japan led to military aggression and territorial aggrandizement throughout the region. The legacy of the Second World War’s outcome has been twofold, one international, one domestic. The first is Japan’s well-known colonial legacy in East Asia, which continues to this day to constrain the government’s relations with neighbouring states. The second is the less well-known ‘colonial’ legacy within Japan’s own legal, territorial borders (as with the island and native people of Hokkaido on the northern periphery of the ‘developmental state’). This combination of geography and strategic significance has historically meant that the ‘Okinawa problem’ becomes most acute precisely at key moments of transition or crisis within the modern Japanese state; the early Meiji transition to modernity; war, defeat and the occupation after 1945; and most recently the post-Cold War realignment. Even today, a range of disparities still remains between Okinawa and the main islands and the need to create new businesses is widely recognized. In terms of the structure of the economy, for instance, the low percentage of manufacturing industries, with only 6.5 per cent of prefectural GDP in 1995 generated by manufacturers, approximately one-quarter of the national average in that year and less than the 7.3 per cent achieved in the late 1970s, limits the prefectural potential for economic growth in a globalizing era. The weak manufacturing sector means transportation links to the prefecture remain imbalanced, with goods mainly transported in one direction only, as imports to the prefecture, rather than a balanced flow of inward and outward trade. This makes the peripheral location of Okinawa even more costly and illustrates the difficulty of self-reliant development. Apart from these structural features, disparity in terms of employment can be seen in high unemployment rates, especially among youth. Indeed, the prefecture remains blighted with the highest unemployment rate in Japan, double the national average at 8.4 per cent (in September 2000). It also has the lowest income among all the prefectures, at approximately 70 per cent of the national average. The downturn in the Japanese economy during the 1990s, which followed the bursting of the ‘bubble’, has simply compounded the problems faced by Okinawa in responding to the pressures of globalization. C. Japan’s debt problem risks global economic collapse—need strong leadership for reform The Economist, 6/5 (6/5/10, “Leaderless Japan; Yukio Hatoyama Resigns”, http://www.lexisnexis.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/us/lnacademic/results/docview/docview.do?docLinkInd=true&risb=21_T9621498533&format=GNBFI&sort=BOOLEAN&startDocNo=1&resultsUrlKey=29_T9621498537&cisb=22_T9621498536&treeMax=true&treeWidth=0&csi=7955&docNo=3) It used to be the envy of the world; now the hope is that things have got so bad that reform is finally possible SINCE 2006 Japan has had no fewer than five prime ministers. Three of them lasted just a year. The feckless Yukio Hatoyama, who stepped down on June 2nd, managed a grand total of 259 days. Particularly dispiriting about Mr Hatoyama's sudden departure is that his election last August looked as if it marked the start of something new in Japanese politics after decades of rule by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). His government has turned out to be as incompetent, aimless and tainted by scandal as its predecessors. Much of the responsibility for the mess belongs with Mr Hatoyama. The man known as "the alien", who says the sight of a little bird last weekend gave him the idea to resign, has shown breathtaking lack of leadership. Although support for his Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has slumped in opinion polls and the government relied on minor parties, the most glaring liabilities have been over Mr Hatoyama's own murky financial affairs and his dithering about where to put an American military base. The question for the next prime minister, to be picked in a DPJ vote on June 4th, is whether Mr Hatoyama's failure means that Japan's nine-month experiment with two-party democracy has been a misconceived disaster. The answer is of interest not just within Japan. Such is the recent merry-go-round of prime ministers that it is easy to assume that whoever runs the show makes no difference to the performance of the world's second-largest economy. Now Japan's prominence in Asia has so clearly been eclipsed by China, its flimsy politicians are all the easier to dismiss. But that dangerously underestimates Japan's importance to the world and the troubles it faces. With the largest amount of debt relative to the size of its economy among the rich countries, and a stubborn deflation problem to boot, Japan has an economic time-bomb ticking beneath it. It may be able to service its debt comfortably for the time being, but the euro zone serves as a reminder that Japan needs strong leadership to stop the bomb from exploding. D. Continued economic decline will result in global war. Mead, 9 - senior fellow for U.S. foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations (Walter Russell, 2/4/09, The New Republic, “Only Makes You Stronger,” http://www.tnr.com/politics/story.html?id=571cbbb9-2887-4d81-8542-92e83915f5f8&p=2 AD 6/30/09) Frequently, the crisis has weakened the power of the merchants, industrialists, financiers, and professionals who want to develop a liberal capitalist society integrated into the world. Crisis can also strengthen the hand of religious extremists, populist radicals, or authoritarian traditionalists who are determined to resist liberal capitalist society for a variety of reasons. Meanwhile, the companies and banks based in these societies are often less established and more vulnerable to the consequences of a financial crisis than more established firms in wealthier societies. As a result, developing countries and countries where capitalism has relatively recent and shallow roots tend to suffer greater economic and political damage when crisis strikes--as, inevitably, it does. And, consequently, financial crises often reinforce rather than challenge the global distribution of power and wealth. This may be happening yet again. None of which means that we can just sit back and enjoy the recession. History may suggest that financial crises actually help capitalist great powers maintain their leads--but it has other, less reassuring messages as well. If financial crises have been a normal part of life during the 300-year rise of the liberal capitalist system under the Anglophone powers, so has war. The wars of the League of Augsburg and the Spanish Succession; the Seven Years War; the American Revolution; the Napoleonic Wars; the two World Wars; the cold war: The list of wars is almost as long as the list of financial crises. Bad economic times can breed wars. Europe was a pretty peaceful place in 1928, but the Depression poisoned German public opinion and helped bring Adolf Hitler to power. If the current crisis turns into a depression, what rough beasts might start slouching toward Moscow, Karachi, Beijing, or New Delhi to be born? The United States may not, yet, decline, but, if we can't get the world economy back on track, we may still have to fight. Directory: files files -> Answer True False 2 points Question 2 files -> Integer programming and game theory files -> 4 Integer Programming files -> Bpa vehicle Window Repair Scenario #1 task: Procure vehicle window relacement. Objective files -> Pop Warner History files -> North Carolina Inclusion Initiative Mapping Where Children with ieps are Being Served Purpose files -> Fall 2013 Spring 2014 Program Data: Standard 1 Exhibit 4d files -> Hanban – asia society confucius classrooms network 2010 request for proposal files -> Northern England’s set-jetting locations Download 1.23 Mb. 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