Japan Aff Michigan
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- Contention 1 is Inherency
- Global Security.ORG 9
- The Democratic Party of Japan promised to kick Futenma off the island and to preven the relocation of the base, but they have failed to deliver their promise. The U.S. must initiate withdrawal.
- Plan: The United States federal government should close the Futenma Air Base and withdraw those forces from Okinawa. Contention 2 is Japan-US Relations
- Futenma Air Base is the sorest point between the US and Japan; must be removed, not relocated Shuster, 10
- Appeasing the Okinawans over Futenma key to Japan-US alliance Tanaka, ’10
NOTESThis is a pretty simple policy oriented Japan Affirmative, compiled with a more critical version. Currently, the 1AC has three advantages – Relations, Stability, and Ecology Also in the aff, there are two more advantages – Offshore Balancing and Patriarchy The Relations Advantage indicates that our occupation of Okinawa, specifically the Futenma, is preventing effective Japan-US relations. There are a couple internal links here. First, the base is mad unpopular because U.S. military operations are noisy and disruptive. Moreover, the rape of a Japanese school-girl by U.S. forces in 1995 caused resistance to troop presence. Secondly, the evidence indicates that a more equal power relationship between the U.S. and Japan is key to relations. The Regime Stability Advantage is predicated off of the recent resignation of Prime Minister Hatoyama. Prime Minister Kan has stepped in, but Japan is still in political turmoil. There are quite a few internal links into not only general regime stability, but also specific policies that might not get passed if Futenma isn’t taken care of. The ecology advantage talks about how the U.S. base is a site of dangerous pollution that causes warming, bio-d and collapse of the economy. In the “add-on” section there are other internals to the environment such as sustaining the dugong and/or sea turtle populations (lulz). The Offshore Balancing advantage says that U.S. troops in Okinawa are a key indication of U.S. primacy in East Asia and that this perception prevents a shift to a strategy of offshore balancing. The critical aff has a single patriarchy advantage with a couple internal links. Basically the story is that U.S. forces set up traps to fuel the prostitution industry, while locking up Japanese women for being prostitutes. They also commit acts of sexual violence and rape. This is a key point of resistance to patriarchy. There are a few pieces of solvency. One of them talks about how pulling out would mobilize local resistance groups and be a crucial step towards the U.S. giving up it’s masculine paradigm of hegemonic power relations. Also there is ev. that talks about how people will actually stop being prostitutes/raping people when we leave. There are a few pretty solid add-ons. “Property Rights” is probably the best add-on, but is more critical than any of the policy style advantages. Essentially, your biggest problem here is going to be the lack of impacts on internal links. For example, in the Regime Credibility section, there’s a load of internal links to different agenda issues, but virtually no impacts to any of them. This will be addressed in the second wave of research. Good luck, Cam! and The Japan Group 1ACContention 1 is Inherency The U.S. and Japan agreed to relocate the Futenma Base to Nago – Prime Minister Hatoyama promised Japan closing of the base in Futenma with no relocation – U.S. plans a dramatic withdrawal of presence now, but continues plans for relocation to Nago Global Security.ORG 9 – Staff writer (16 11, “Okinawa, Japan”, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/facility/okinawa.htm) GlobalSecurity.org, Updated //( , Military, , ) The United States and Japan agreed in 2006 to move Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to another part of the island in five years. But the new Japanese administration wants that plan put on hold. In 2006, Japan and the United States agreed to close Futenma and move its facilities to another Marine base with a heliport built on reclaimed land offshore. That agreement also called for 8,000 marines to be moved off Okinawa, to the US territory of Guam. The plan came after 15 years of negotiations but Japan's new government now wants to reconsider it. Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and his Democratic Party of Japan won a historic election in August, in part by calling for a review of that 2006 agreement. Four DPJ members from Okinawa won parliamentary seats with promises of reducing the US troop presence on the island. The Department of Defense believes that Marine Corps forces along with other US forces on Okinawa satisfy the US national security strategy by visably demonstrating the US commitment to security in the region. These forces are thought to deter aggression, provide a crisis response capability should deterrence fail, and avoid the risk that US allies may interpret the withdrawal of forces as a lessening of US commitment to peace and stability in the region. By 2003 the US was considering moving most of the 20,000 Marines on Okinawa to new bases that would be established in Australia; increasing the presence of US troops in Singapore and Malaysia; and seeking agreements to base Navy ships in Vietnamese waters and ground troops in the Philippines. For the Marines based on Okinawa, most for months without their families, the US is considering a major shift. Under plans on the table, all but about 5,000 of the Marines would move, possibly to Australia. During 2004 Japan and the United States continued discussions on plans to scale back the US military presence in the country. Tokyo will ask Washington to move some Marines now on the southern island of Okinawa outside the country. There is no doubt some changes will be made to the Okinawa forces. The US Marines are a tremendous burden in Okinawa, particularly the infantry and the training needs of the infantry in Okinawa can't really be met on the island, given the sensitivities there. Okinawa accounts for less than one percent of Japan's land, but hosts about two-thirds of the 40,000 American forces in the country. In recent years, Okinawans have grown increasingly angry about the military presence, because of land disputes and highly publicized violent crimes committed by a few U.S. troops. In return for moving troops outside the country, Japan would provide pre-positioning facilities for weapons, fuel and other equipment for the US military. The Democratic Party of Japan promised to kick Futenma off the island and to preven the relocation of the base, but they have failed to deliver their promise. The U.S. must initiate withdrawal. Bandow 6/2 senior fellow at the Cato Institute and former special assistant to Reagan J.D [Doug, June,2010 . from Stanford University http://www.cato-at-liberty.org/2010/06/02/needed-a-new-u-s-defense-policy-for-japan/; WBTR] Okinawans long ago tired, understandably, of the burden and have been pressing for the removal of at least some bases. The DPJ campaigned to create a more equal alliance with America and promised to revisit plans by the previous government to relocate America’s Futenma facility elsewhere on the island. However, under strong U.S. pressure Hatoyama reversed course. He said the rising tensions on the Korean peninsula reminded him about the value of America’s military presence. Japan’s military dependency is precisely the problem. American taxpayers have paid to defend Japan for 65 years. Doing so made sense in the aftermath of World War II, when Japan was recovering from war and Tokyo’s neighbors feared a revived Japanese military. But long ago it became ridiculous for Americans to defend the world’s second-ranking power and its region. Of course, having turned its defense over to Washington, Tokyo could do no more than beg the U.S. to move its base. After all, if Americans are going to do Japan’s dirty defense work, Americans are entitled to have convenient base access. Irrespective of what the Okinawans desire. Unfortunately, Hatoyama’s resignation isn’t likely to change anything. The new prime minister won’t be much different from the old one. Or the ones before him. If change is to come to the U.S.-Japan security relationship, it will have to come from America. And it should start with professed fiscal conservatives asking why the U.S. taxpayers, on the hook for a $1.6 trillion deficit this year alone, must forever subsidize the nation with the world’s second-largest economy? Plan: The United States federal government should close the Futenma Air Base and withdraw those forces from Okinawa. Contention 2 is Japan-US Relations US presence in Okinawa is damaging US Japan relations Bandow, 5/12/10 (Doug, Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute, “Japan Can Defend Itself,” Cato Institute, pg online @ http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=11804 //ag) Making fewer promises to intervene would allow the United States to reduce the number of military personnel and overseas bases. A good place to start in cutting international installations would be Okinawa. America's post-Cold War dominance is coming to an end. Michael Schuman argued in Time: "Anyone who thinks the balance of power in Asia is not changing — and with it, the strength of the U.S., even among its old allies — hasn't been there lately." Many analysts nevertheless want the United States to attempt to maintain its unnatural dominance. Rather than accommodate a more powerful China, they want America to contain a wealthier and more influential Beijing. Rather than expect its allies to defend themselves and promote regional stability, they want Washington to keep its friends dependent. To coin a phrase, it's time for a change. U.S. intransigence over Okinawa has badly roiled the bilateral relationship. But even a more flexible basing policy would not be enough. Washington is risking the lives and wasting the money of the American people to defend other populous and prosperous states. Washington should close Futenma — as a start to refashioning the alliance with Japan. Rather than a unilateral promise by the United States to defend Japan, the relationship should become one of equals working together on issues of mutual interest. Responsibility for protecting Japan should become that of Japan. Both Okinawans and Americans deserve justice. It's time for Washington to deliver. Futenma Air Base is the sorest point between the US and Japan; must be removed, not relocated Shuster, 10 (6/21/10, Mike, National Public Radio, “Japan's PM Faces Test Over U.S. Base On Okinawa,” http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=127932447) [The Marine base at Futenma has been a sore point between the U.S. and Japan for years. The noise of the base's aircraft and the rowdy and drunken behavior of some Marines have made the base unpopular in Okinawa and elsewhere in Japan. Several times in recent years, the U.S. offered a proposal to solve the problem, but it would still leave much of Futenma intact, says Koichi Nakano, a political analyst at Sophia University. "The U.S. government [has] repeatedly said that [it wants] to relocate to a place where [it] will be welcome. That welcome is simply not there in Okinawa at the moment," Nakano says. The U.S. says it will transfer 8,000 Marines to Guam and move a portion of the base to another part of Okinawa. Kan, the new prime minister, has pledged to seek a solution that is in line with this offer, but he still faces overwhelming opposition on Okinawa, Honda says. "So far mayors, governors and local politicians in Okinawa, everybody [is] against the proposal of the new government. So he will be completely blocked by this," he says.] Seeking A More Equal Relationship With U.S. Last month, 17,000 Okinawans formed a human chain around the base in protest. Part of the problem is the feeling on Okinawa that its people bear a disproportionate burden of the continued American military presence in Japan. The small island represents less than 1 percent of Japan's population, but it maintains some three-quarters of the U.S. military forces in Japan. Appeasing the Okinawans over Futenma key to Japan-US alliance Tanaka, ’10 – Senior Fellow at the Japan Center for International Exchange (2/10, Hitoshi, “The US-Japan Alliance: Beyond Futenma,” http://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:BrLWAbFxrrEJ:www.jcie.org/researchpdfs/EAI/5-1.pdf+japan+equal+negotiations+us&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESheENPuqbIG-8RbfWchijC7WxbtZKTDrU0wN8bzSwk_YulPh9htyz3amNMQWtMuAlJAkehw8leYo2IQZf7qMesvk_G-kemr_jkwP3XutsFN6dpV8YCmiR2i4Ns6zfseGSYONfkC&sig=AHIEtbQHXZpJVcMaBydKC8HT0kgaT2qngA) On the other hand, it is important to recognize that the burden of maintaining the US-Japan security alliance has been disproportionately shouldered by local citizens in a few areas in Japan, especially in Okinawa. In today’s world, it is natural for people in a place like Okinawa, which hosts 75 per cent of the US military facilities for the entire country of Japan, to be bothered by the presence of foreign bases and another country’s soldiers, with all the disruption they inevitably bring. If local relations cannot be managed skillfully, the entire US-Japan security alliance can be put at risk. The Japanese and US governments established the SACO [Special Action Committee on Okinawa] process in 1995 to work to reduce the US military footprint, but unfortunately they have not yet put in place a precise implementation plan for the reversion of the Marine Corps base, Futenma Air Station, which is in a heavily populated area and has become a prominent issue in bilateral relations. The relocation of the base to new facilities in Okinawa simply cannot be implemented without eventually gaining the acquiescence of local communities. Given all of the time and energy that has gone into pushing forward the current agreement, it is entirely understandable for the US government to claim that there is no alternative to the existing relocation agreement. Nevertheless, we cannot deny the fact that there has been a sea change in Japan. The Democratic Party of Japan came to power on the strength of a campaign that, in part, opposed the current agreement, and the local community of Nago voted on January 24 to repudiate the base move to their city in a mayoral election that was widely perceived as a referendum on the relocation plan. Democratic governments have to find some way to respond to the voices of their people, and the Japanese government cannot simply disregard these pressures. Directory: files files -> Answer True False 2 points Question 2 files -> Integer programming and game theory files -> 4 Integer Programming files -> Bpa vehicle Window Repair Scenario #1 task: Procure vehicle window relacement. 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