Bases Kill Okinawa Economy

Bases Kill US Economy

Our "peace president" has requested changes in military spending. Unfortunately, that change would push U.S. military spending well above $2 billion per day. At $744 billion, it's a new record. This doesn't even include the $160 billion in war funding for Iraq and Afghanistan. The U.S. military budget is about equal to what the entire rest of the world spends on military costs! Our yearly "defense budget" is 150 percent that of all of Europe, including Russia. Our Navy battle fleet is larger than the next 13 foreign navies combined. We're No. 1. Why don't Americans feel safe? And, if you wonder how our empire affects you, the military uses 320,000 barrels of oil daily, raising prices at the pump. Supporting an overseas empire means sending money in the billions to foreign bases -- not a good "stimulus" for our economy.

Our military empire is fueled by a bank credit expansion that has resulted in the decline of the dollar and the current economic crisis. The fantasy that the defense of the country requires an overseas empire surpassing the British imperium at its peak is proving to be very costly. Americans don't realize that we're among this empire's biggest losers, as our savings are eaten up by inflation, and the equity we labored to preserve and increase evaporates. The Federal Reserve pumps more funny money into circulation since the Treasury spends much more than it collects. The winners are the banks and the "military-industrial complex" President Eisenhower tried to warn us about.

The threats to our republic and way of life originate here at home, not from abroad.

China Reaction

China uneasy about US in Japan

Yoshihara ‘10 associate professor in the Strategy and Policy Department at the Naval War College PhD in international relations. associate professor in the Strategy and Policy Department at the Naval War College visiting professor at the U.S. Air War College. [Summer 2010Toshi Chinese Missile Strategy and the U.S. Naval Presence in Japan The Operational View from Beijing http://www.andrewerickson.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/05/Chinese-Missile-Strategy_Yoshihara_Toshi_NWCR_2010-Summer.pdf
Equally troubling is growing evidence that China has turned its attention to Japan, home to some of the largest naval and air bases in the world. Beijing has long worried about Tokyo’s potential role in a cross-strait conflagration. In particular, Chinese analysts chafe at the apparent American freedom to use the Japanese archipelago as a springboard to intervene in a Taiwan contingency. In the past, China kept silent on what the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) would do in response to Japanese logistical support of U.S. military operations. Recent PLA publications, in contrast, suggest that the logic of missile coercion against Taiwan could be readily applied to U.S. forward presence in Japan. The writings convey a high degree of confidence that China’s missile forces could compel Tokyo to limit American use of naval bases while selectively destroying key facilities on those bases. These doctrinal developments demand close attention from Washington and Tokyo, lest the transpacific alliance be caught flat-footed in a future crisis with Beijing. This article is a first step toward better understanding how the Chinese evaluate the efficacy of missile coercion against American military targets in Japan


China afraid of US intervention In Taiwan War

Yoshihara ‘10 associate professor in the Strategy and Policy Department at the Naval War College PhD in international relations. associate professor in the Strategy and Policy Department at the Naval War College visiting professor at the U.S. Air War College. [Summer 2010Toshi Chinese Missile Strategy and the U.S. Naval Presence in Japan The Operational View from Beijing http://www.andrewerickson.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/05/Chinese-Missile-Strategy_Yoshihara_Toshi_NWCR_2010-Summer.pdf;WBTR
In recent years, defense analysts in the United States have substantially revised their estimates of China’s missile prowes. A decade ago, most observers rated Beijing’s ballistic missiles as inaccurate, blunt weapons limited to terrorizing ci-vilian populations. Today, the emerging consensus within the U.S. strategic community is that China’s arsenal can inflict lethal harm with precision on a wide range of military targets, including ports and airfields. As a consequence, many observers have jettisoned previously sanguine net assessments that conferred decisive, qualitative advantages to Taiwan in the cross-strait military balance. Indeed, the debates on China’s coercive power and Taiwan’s apparent inability to resist such pressure have taken on a palpably fatalistic tone. A 2009 RAND monograph warns that China’s large, modern missile and air forces are likely to pose a virtually insurmountable challenge to Taiwanese and American efforts to command the air over the strait and the island. The authors of the report believe that massive ballistic-missile salvos launched against Taiwan’s air bases would severely hamper Taipei’s ability to generate enough fighter sorties to contest air superiority. They state: “As China’s ability to deliver accurate fire across the strait grows,it is becoming increasingly difficult and soon may be impossible for the United States and Taiwan to protect the island’s military and civilian infrastructures from serious damage.”1 As a result, the authors observe, “China’s ability to suppress Taiwan and local U.S. air bases with ballistic and cruise missiles seriously threatens the defense’s abilityto maintain control of the air over the strait.”2 They further assert, “The UnitedStates can no longer be confident of winning the battle for the air in the air.This represents a dramatic change from the first five-plus decades of the China-Taiwan confrontation.

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