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WOODROW WILSON

When most of us think of Woodrow Wilson, we don’t necessarily think “philosopher” -- but that’s what this visionary president of the United States was.


Best remembered as the progenitor of the League of Nations (the precursor to today’s United Nations) and of the fourteen point program for peace, Wilson’s name is also invoked by students of international relations theory today in the context of so-called “Wilsonian idealism” -- the notion that an interventionist American foreign policy can spawn positive changes in other countries and cultures.
This, for better or for worse, is the former president’s predominant legacy: the liberal internationalism that continues to inform American foreign policy under most Democratic presidents (and some Republicans, such as the first George Bush).
Like most historic “truths”, these simple summations contain quite a bit of accuracy and a little sleight-of-hand. The veracity of these statements depend on one’s political perspective, on one’s position in the world, and various other factors. I will try to present diverse perspectives on the life, work and thoughts of this embattled and interesting president.
Though perspectives differ on his ideas -- and the efficacy of those views in a swift and fierce world -- it cannot be denied that those views have had a major impact on American and global visions of justice.

THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON

Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 in Staunton, Virginia, and grew up during and immediately following the Civil War. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and at times taught college courses. He was inspired by his father’s religion and love of education.


Young Woodrow Wilson first went to Davidson College in North Carolina, but was forced to withdraw due to illness. He graduated what was then the College of New Jersey (and what later became Princeton University) and went on to get his law degree from the University of Virginia in 1879-80 and passed the Georgia bar in 1882.
His law practice floundered, though, prompting a career change into government and politics. He returned to school in 1883, studying government and history at Johns Hopkins University. His book Congressional Government was accepted as his dissertation in 1885, and led to his receipt of the Ph.D. degree in political science from Johns Hopkins. To this day, Wilson is the only U.S. president to hold a Ph.D. proving that most presidents just aren’t too smart. But Wilson was, teaching at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan University and Princeton University. After an accomplished career as an author and essayist, he was named president of Princeton University in 1902.

From there, politics was a natural step. In 1910, Wilson won the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey, subsequently winning the election by a wide margin. His agenda was a progressive one: he focused on preventing the public’s exploitation by monopolies and trusts. This earned him serious popularity with the masses, and just two years later he accepted the Democratic nomination for president.


Wilson called his platform the "New Freedom" platform, and gave keen attention to stimulating the American economy. Again, he earned a landslide victory, winning the presidency with 435 electoral votes out of a possible 531. His brother wasn’t a governor, and he did not have to cheat to win.
True to his word, Wilson followed through on a domestic agenda based on busting corrupt trusts. To this end, he created a dramatic array of economic reforms. He pushed through the Underwood Act (which reformed tariffs and instituted a progressive income tax) and the Federal Reserve Bill (which established our modern banking system, creating new currency and establishing the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their board of governors) in 1913. Yes, we can partially blame Alan Greenspan on Wilson. He also established the Federal Trade Commission in 1914 to restrict "unfair" trade practices.
These economic reforms show Wilson’s brand of liberalism: create reforms that stabilize a functioning market economy and offer marginal protections for the poor, while promoting international trade to enrich the wealthy. You can see the economic legacy of Wilson in today’s New Democrats.

THE WAR YEARS

Some of the controversy surrounding Wilson’s “idealism” involves the way he handled American involvement in World War I, which began in 1914. Wilson, despite growing pressure from allies like Britain (who were losing an entire generation of young men), resisted American involvement in Europe’s war. In fact, he ran for reelection in 1916 with the slogans "he kept us out of war" and “peace without victory.”


Conventional wisdom holds that escalation of submarine warfare by Germany forced Wilson’s hand in declaring war -- the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania is often cited. It may be, however, that these events came at the same time a revolution in Wilson’s thinking was brewing --a revolution that would inspire his ideas on how to make peace.
Some critics believe that Wilson, despite his public pronouncements, had already decided to enter the fray. They point to that fact that he created the U.S. government’s first major state propaganda agency (the Committee on Public Information, also called the Creel Commission). The population of the U.S. didn’t favor war at the time, and the theory goes that Wilson intended to change their minds.
At any rate, he asked Congress for a declaration of war in April 1917. This turn of events led the United States into the fight, and led to Wilson’s famous efforts at peace -- culminating in the Fourteen Points Address of 1918, which we’ll discuss below.
The critics on the right accused Wilson of thinking wrongly that the United States owes an obligation to the rest of the world -- that instead of intervening to help other nations, we should tend to our own business. The critics on the left had then and have now a radically different take: that not only are their few if any places where American intervention can help the rest of the world, the impulse to intervene is itself a pernicious manifestation of liberal internationalism that desires to control the rest of the human community.
This type of thinking reveals itself at home, too, when people opposing governmental policies must also be controlled through imprisonment. Historians such as Howard Zinn point to the Sedition Acts that were used to jail opponents of the war. He criticizes the administration for passing such legislation and the Supreme Court for failing to challenge it on a constitutional basis:
The court failed in 1798 and it failed in 1917-1918, when it put Eugene Debs and 1,000 others in jail for speaking out against the war. The court amended the first amendment. Maybe there are times when you can't allow freedom of speech because there is a "clear and present danger." What was the clear and present danger that the Supreme Court was facing? The clear and present danger was a guy distributing leaflets on the streets of New York opposing the draft. He was a clear and present danger to the nation. After the war more people began to think, no, Woodrow Wilson was a clear and present danger to the nation. There's this irony that exactly when you need free speech--when the lives of the young people in the armed forces are at stake, the lives of people overseas who may be the victims of our armed actions–exactly when it's a mater of life and death, that's when you should shut up. Exactly when you need debate most. So you have free speech for trivial issues, and no free speech for life and death issues, and that's called democracy.
This shows the irony of liberalism: Wilson supported many progressive social agendas (women received the right to vote when he was in office, for example), but when one’s own power and decision-making are challenged, that commitment to social progress sometimes flies out the nearest window.
Domestic policy aside -- and it was not an insignificant part of Wilson’s presidency -- most people remember Wilson for his foreign policy, specifically the role he played in the ending of World War I. Let’s turn to his ideas on that front now.



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