Relations impacts and cp’s



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Diplomacy Turn



C. Military departure means the diplomats win out-destroys Iraqi stability by handing military and police presence over to diplomats who lack the training and resources

Washington Post 5/25 [2010, U.S. officials grapple with shift from military-run effort in Iraq, lexis]
Last year, a team of diplomats and commanders drew up a list of more than 1,200 initiatives and projects that the military will have to transition to the embassy or the Iraqi government, or terminate. Those tasks range from broad missions, such as fostering reconciliation and bolstering Iraq's rule of law, to small projects, such as conducting training workshops. Munter estimated that 80 percent of projects would be handed over to the Iraqis. Obstacles to the transition have already arisen. The political impasse that followed Iraq's March 7 parliamentary elections has complicated planning because U.S. officials must wait until a new government is formed before approaching Iraqi ministries about assuming control of most programs. Moreover, there are concerns about the fate of some key projects. The Iraqis, for example, have yet to reopen Ibn Sina Hospital, the state-of-the-art hospital the U.S. military turned over to them in the fall of 2009 with equipment worth millions of dollars. Other facilities the military has handed to the Iraqis, including military bases, have been looted hours after its departure. Certain projects are seen as likely to be particularly difficult to hand over to the embassy and other civilian agencies: the collection of intelligence, initiatives to counter what the military calls "malign Iranian influence," and the integration of tens of thousands of former insurgents the military turned into Sunni paramilitary groups. The integration of the former insurgents -- members of the Sons of Iraq -- has proceeded far slower than U.S. officials had hoped. "There's no right and wrong on how to do this stuff," a senior American military official said. "It's a difference of training and resources. What we're going to have to do is recognize that State can't do it the way we've been doing it." Because they see Kurdish-Arab tension in northern Iraq as a dangerous flash point, U.S. officials are drawing up plans for three diplomatic postings along a 300-mile stretch of disputed territories where forces loyal to the Kurdish regional government and the conventional Iraqi army have come close to shootouts. The military will keep a relatively large force along the frontier, even after it draws down to 50,000 troops at the end of the summer. Resolution of the disputed territories and related discords is seen as unlikely by the end of 2011, when U.S. forces are scheduled to pull out entirely. The three "enduring presence posts" would be tasked with easing tension along what U.S. officials see as a potentially explosive fault line, Munter said. State's provincial teams will draw down over the next year and a half, along with the military. Police training is the other major initiative that the State Department plans to take control of once the military draws down completely.

Education CP 1nc

Text: The United States Department of State should support the Iraq Education Initiative as per Nouri Al-Maliki’s proposal by providing visas to qualifying Iraqi students, including those with Fulbright fellowships. We’ll clarify.




CP solves relations and post withdrawal stability for no money down

Rubin 08


[Trudy Rubin, Philadelphia Inquirer Columnist, “Worldview: Everyone should agree on this Iraq program” 6/1/08, Lexis]
No matter the divide between presidential candidates on Iraq, here's an idea they all can endorse. It's a wise, very relevant Iraqi proposal that cuts across U.S. debates about stay or leave and beams in on Iraq's future. Moreover, it's doable. It needs U.S. support, but it won't cost Americans a cent. The Iraqi government has proposed using oil revenue to send 10,000 high school graduates a year to study abroad for the next five years. The students would go to the United States, Canada, Britain and Australia, with the bulk of them headed here. Then they would be required to return home. This plan is a winner - for both Iraqis and us. Iraq has been bleeding human capital for three decades, in the 1980s from Saddam's Iran-Iraq war, in the 1990s from sanctions, and since 2003 from postwar chaos. Without skilled manpower, Iraq cannot pull itself back together, even if the civil war ends, al-Qaeda in Iraq disappears, and U.S. troops leave. Oil money can keep the country afloat, but it won't develop into a modern nation without a solid educational base. Yet the present situation for Iraqi education is desperate. "Iraq used to be the best in the Middle East" in education, recalls Zuhair Humadi, a senior Iraqi official who is working on the education plan; he holds a doctorate from Southern Illinois University. "But in the past 30 years the whole system has been going down." Iraq once had excellent university programs in science and produced many women engineers, but its universities are now going through multiple traumas. In the last five years, university buildings and libraries have been degraded by looting, and hundreds of faculty members have been murdered. Students have been blown up by car bombs and kidnapped by militias. Under these circumstances, the Iraqi middle class has been fleeing, including academics and promising students. Humadi said some reports indicated the number of faculty with doctorates at Iraqi universities had declined to 35 percent. The Iraqi Education Initiative, announced in parliament May 11 by Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, is a long-range program aimed at reversing the hemorrhaging. Maliki will ask the Iraqi parliament to budget $1 billion a year for the foreign scholarships along with a plan to upgrade schools and curriculum inside his country. It may be his most important proposal yet. "The idea is a simple one," Humadi said. "We need to put more emphasis on education, not only in sending students abroad but also at home. An investment in human resources is the best investment any government can make." The program would pay all expenses for the students, not just for bachelor's or doctoral degrees but also for two-year technical degrees leading to such jobs as lab assistant or administrator. For high school graduates who have fallen behind because of the violence, the program would provide extra tutoring. "Iraq definitely needs this type of education to rebuild capacity," Humadi said. Of course, the implementation of the program would be as important as the concept. In recent years, Iraqi ministries have become spoils in the battle between sectarian factions and militias. Things got so bad that 150 staff and visitors were kidnapped in 2006 from a Ministry of Higher Education building. Humadi said, however, that the scholarship program could surmount sectarian tensions. Candidates for study abroad would be picked from each province according to their grade levels, not by sect. "We can devise methods," he said, "that will not discriminate against anyone." But the program cannot succeed without critical input from the United States. "The most important thing we require from the U.S. government is to help with the visas," Humadi said. "Iraqi students are still having a very difficult time getting visas, including those with Fulbright grants." You have probably read about the U.S. visa delays that still block the entry of thousands of Iraqis under death threat for working with U.S. military and civilian officials. The same infuriating delays also block Iraqi students. According to a recent article in the Chronicle of Higher Education, of 400 Iraqi graduate students who have already been awarded scholarships to study in the United States, only 25 have received visas. To make matters worse, Iraqis cannot get their visas processed in Baghdad but have to make dangerous trips to neighboring countries such as Jordan or Syria. In a perfect Catch-22, it has become difficult or impossible for young Iraqis to enter those countries, which are overwhelmed by the influx of Iraq refugees. This is nuts. We've invested billions to "stabilize Iraq," yet we won't facilitate the training of the generation whose education will determine Iraq's future. Those students are crucial to America's future, too. Middle Eastern youths who study here provide a bridge between their countries and ours; they are more likely to understand U.S. thinking and advocate for warmer relations. President Bush's longtime adviser Karen Hughes rightly called foreign students "the single most important public diplomacy tool of the last 50 years." In the post-9/11 panic, the number of U.S. visas for foreign students was sharply reduced, especially for Arabs. That trend has reversed. Saudi Arabia sent 10,000 scholarship students to U.S.colleges and universities in 2006-07. Our embassy in Riyadh now fast-tracks their visa process. Is it possible we would do less for Iraqis? Conceivable that our Baghdad embassy won't fast-track visas so Iraq can train its coming generation? Even in these crazy times, I can't believe it. Maliki's Iraq Education Initiative must get Washington's full support.


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