Relations impacts and cp’s


Balkan stability impact- nuclear war



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Balkan stability impact- nuclear war




Balkan instability risks global nuclear exchange


Chicago Daily Herald 5/9/99 [“Fence Post,” l/n]
We hear the grim rationale for sending in ground troops "to salvage the credibility of the NATO Alliance." I don't want any American servicemen/women to die for the idea that once you have embarked on a disastrous course of action, you can only continue on ... that's nonsense. On a recent news program the Italian and German foreign ministers stated troop deployment is not acceptable as part of their national defense - the French representative waffled. Both France and Germany have large Muslim populations. The German official said the NATO Alliance weapons, planes, missiles are primarily American with minimum involvement of NATO allies. Let's not forget that Russia has warned NATO countries that this action could culminate in a third world war. The war in the Balkans could easily become the flash point of world conflict resulting in nuclear war and incalculable self-destruction.

US-Turkey relations bad: Turk-Greek rels Zero Sum

US-Turkey relations are zero sum with Turkey-Greece relations

Borowiec 05

[Andrew Borowiec, staff writer for the Washington Times, “Greece expects closer ties with U.S.” 4/5/05, Lexis]



The conservative government in Greece says it looks forward to "a new chapter" in relations with the United States after a visit to Washington by Foreign Minister Petros Molyviatis. Officials said Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told Mr. Molyviatis during a meeting late last month that she considers Greece to be America's "best friend in the Balkans" and they expect that to translate into greater input into U.S. foreign policy planning. The Greeks also perceive a chill in U.S. relations with their longtime rival Turkey because of an intense anti-American campaign in the Turkish press. Turkey resents what it sees as American support for Kurdish nationalists and generally opposes U.S. policies in Iraq. In reporting recent developments, the Greek press said the Bush administration has been reassessing its attitude toward Turkey. According to the conservative Athens daily Kathimerini, "The Bush administration's love affair with the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's moderately Islamist establishment has turned sour amid rising anti-Americanism in Turkey and subsequent frustration in the United States." Some Western analysts have described Mr. Erdogan as being under a strain, and said, "His image is losing its gloss." Last week, Turkey abruptly postponed the application of a new penal code that severely would have limited the functioning of the press, citing "technical considerations." Greek officials, meanwhile, expect considerable improvement in Greek-U.S. relations, pointing out that during the recent talks in Washington "the Americans adroitly avoided raising any issues that might sour the atmosphere." Previous meetings have been troubled by U.S. complaints about inadequate Greek anti-terrorist measures.

US-Greece Relations Good- Balkans



Relations with Greece are vital to Balkan stability.

Burns 2k

[Nicolas Burns, Former Ambassador to Greece, “Greece-U.S. Relations: The Generation Ahead” 10/13/00



http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=events.event&event_id=121578&doc_id=121581)
Ten years later, happily, the U.S. and Greece have arrived at a point where they have completely transformed their partnership in the Balkans. Both countries now have the same strategic objectives concerning what should happen in the former Yugoslavia and in the wider region of southeastern Europe, which is a region of vital national importance to Greece. The U.S. and Greece have identical objectives with regard to the need to prevent war and further refugee flows, the need for the stability pact to fulfill its promise-neither country believes the pact has yet fulfilled its promise as a consolidating agent in economic development in the region-and the need for a more aggressive and more expansive Greek policy throughout the Balkans. During the last week, Greece has taken the most prominent role of any NATO country in the initial diplomatic contacts with Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica politically and also with the Serb military. This is good for NATO, and it's good for Greece. Greece may now be the only NATO country that, for a variety of reasons, has the credibility to be the first country to extend a NATO bridge to the Serb reformers in the military and in politics. So the first challenge will be determining how Athens and Washington can continue this very positive transformation of U.S.-Greece cooperation in the Balkans.
Balkan Instability Causes World War III

Paris ’2 (Roland, Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Affairs at University of Colorado, Political Science Quarterly, “Kosovo and the metaphor war”, 117: 3, Fall, Proquest)
At this early stage in the Kosovo crisis, Clinton's language was still somewhat coded and suggestive; in the months to come, he would spell out the implications of his historical allusions with much greater clarity. Nevertheless, the phrase "powderkeg in the Balkans" would have carried historical significance for listeners who possessed even a casual knowledge of European history. Since the early part of the twentieth century, when instability in the Balkans drew in the great powers and provided the spark that ignited World War I, the region has been widely known as a powderkeg. In 1947, for instance, members of the International Court of Justice noted that the Balkans had been "so often described as the `powder-keg' of Europe."51 Today, the term continues to be attached to the region's politics, conjuring up memories of the origins of World War I.52 The meaning of the powderkeg metaphor is straightforward: the Balkans can explode at any time, and the resulting conflagration can spread to the rest of Europe; preventing such an explosion is vital to the continent's, and perhaps even to American, security. When Clinton described Kosovo as a powderkeg, he warned that the Kosovo conflict might spill over not only to surrounding Balkan states, but to Europe as a whole; and he insinuated that the United States could be compelled to fight in such a pan-European conflict, just as it did in World Wars I and II. "As we approach the next century," he stated on 12 October, during a discussion of the Kosovo situation, "we must never forget one of the most indelible lessons of this one we're about to leave-that America has a direct stake in keeping the peace in Europe before isolated acts of violence turn into large-scale wars."53 Translation: if you want to make sure American boys will not have to fight another world war, then support me in my efforts to extinguish the smoldering fire in the Balkan powderkeg, before it is too late.


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