Volume 1, No. 1, Spring 1974
Cooper, Caryl. “Selling Negro Women to Negro Women and to the World: Rebecca Stiles Taylor and the Chicago Defender,” 241-49
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- Elmore, Cindy. “From Stars and Stripes Editor to FBI Informant: The Conflicting Loyalties of Kenneth Pettus,” 250-57.
- Volume 40, No. 1, Spring 2014
- Bernhardt, Mark. “ Red, White, and Black: Opposing Arguments on Territorial Expansion and Differing Portrayals of Mexicans in the New York Sun ’s and
- Banning, Stephen A. “
- Thornton, Brian. “ The ‘Dangerous’
- Koerber, Duncan. “ Faction and Its Alternative: Representing Political Organizing in the Print Public Sphere in Early Canada,”
- Cumming, Doug. “‘ So Splendid It Hurts’: Rescued from the IRS, the Marshall Frady Papers at Emory University Offer a Look at a Brilliant Southerner Practicing New Journalism,”
- Volume 40, No. 2, Summer 2014 Mangun, Kimberley, and Lisa Parcell. “The Pet Milk Company ‘Happy Family’
- Lamb, Chris, and Mark Long. “Drawing Fire: Editorial Cartoons in the War on Terror,” 85-97.
- Grieves, Kevin. “’A New Age of Diplomacy’: International Satellite Television and Town Meeting of the World ,” 98-107.
- Lovelace, Alexander G. “The Image of a General: The Wartime Relationship between General George S. Patton Jr. and the American Media,” 108-20.
- Wickham, Kathleen. “Dean of the Civil Rights Reporters: A Conversation with Claude Sitton,” 121-25.
- Lawrence, Windy Y., Benjamin R. Bates, and Mark Cervenka, “Politics Drawn in Black and White: Henry J. Lewis’s Visual Rhetoric in Late-1800s Black Editorial Cartoons,” 138-47.
- Anderson, Fay, “Collective Silence: The Australian Press Reporting of Suffering during the World Wars,” 148-57.
- Yadlin-Segal, Aya, and Oren Meyers, “’Like Birds Returning to Their Nest’: Immigration Narratives and Ideological Constructions in Early Israeli Children’s Magazines,” 158-66.
- Stewart, Mary Lynn, and Mary Shearman, “Gender and Grand Reporting in Interwar France: Albert Londres and Andrée Viollis in Shanghai,” 167-76.
- McCreery, Stephen, and Brian Creech, “The Journalistic Value of Emerging Technologies: American Press Reaction to Newsreels during World War II,” 177-86.
- Lim, Young Joon, “Promoting the Image of the United Nations: Kofi Annan’s Celebrity Ambassador Program and World Summit,” 187-96.
- Volume 40, No. 4, Winter 2015
- Ryan, Kathleen M., “Military Life: Coordinating WWII Magazine Publicity by the U.S. Naval Women’s Reserve,” 217-28.
- Coatney, Karyn, “From Burma Battles to ‘the Bright Lights of Brisbane’: How an Australian Prime Minister Won, Lost, and Recaptured American Journalists’ Support, 1941 to 1945,” 229-39.
- Olson, Candi S. Carter, “‘We Tell the Stories of the People’: Toki Schalk Johnson and Hazel Garland Integrating White Space while Representing Black Voices,” 240-51.
Cooper, Caryl. “Selling Negro Women to Negro Women and to the World: Rebecca Stiles Taylor and the Chicago Defender,” 241-49. World War II forced many American women to leave the privacy of their homes to work in factories and participate in volunteer activities that supported the war effort. Women’s wartime experiences varied greatly. For black women, segregation and discrimination created additional obstacles to full democratic rights that white women did not have to consider. Race-based differences in the wartime experience may have contributed to differing perspectives about the war. This study uses the historical-critical qualitative method to analyze the themes used in Rebecca Stiles Taylor’s “Activities of Women’s National Organizations” and “Federated Clubs” column published in the Chicago Defender from 1939-1945. This examination of Taylor’s journalistic career and commentary will provide an opportunity to explore the sentiments and concerns of African-American women and infuse the black female voice into an otherwise masculine body of knowledge about the black press during World War II.
By the time Sgt. Kenneth Pettus became managing editor of the Tokyo edition of the Stars and Stripes military newspaper in 1945, he had spent years involved in low-level Communist Party activities in the United States. But it wasn’t until Pettus was accused of disloyalty and removed from his post that the FBI began tracking him, in an effort that lasted for the next decade. After initially denying his Communist activities, Pettus eventually became an FBI informant who divulged the names of ninety-five others whom he revealed as Communists or Communist sympathizers, including writer and activist Louis “Studs” Terkel. What the FBI really wanted, however, was for Pettus to induce the cooperation of his brother Terry Pettus, a much more prominent Communist activist who got his start leading a Newspaper Guild strike in Seattle. While Ken Pettus named names, Terry Pettus refused, costing him seventy-three days in jail on contempt charges. Volume 40, No. 1, Spring 2014
CBS’s Charles Collingwood and NBC’s John MacVane played crucial roles in reporting on the political controversies that surfaced in the aftermath of the Torch landings in French North Africa in 1942. Material circumstances combined with the skill of these journalists to enable the broadcast networks to cover the confusing events in North Africa in a more timely and accurate manner than did American newspapers. Collingwood and MacVane won for broadcast journalists a place at the table, and Torch would be the last major campaign that was planned with radio something less than a full partner in coverage of the war. Moreover, Collingwood and MacVane fiercely resisted the political censorship imposed by the Allied military authorities there. In this light the relationship of the media and the military in World War II looks surprisingly more like that of later wars than most accounts would lead us to believe.
When the United States declared war on Mexico in 1846, newspaper publishers weighed in through editorials and war coverage on the debate over how much land the United States should acquire. This study compares and analyzes how two newspaper publishers, Moses Yale Beach and James Gordon Bennett Sr., expressed their political views through the pictures they published of Mexicans. Both used racial stereotypes that highlighted either the Native American, African, or European ancestry of the Mexican people, choosing which component to emphasize in different illustrations in order to make specific points about Mexico and Mexicans. They both imposed stereotypes about Native Americans, Africans, and Europeans on Mexicans to depict Mexicans as an inferior race. Bennett used this perceived inferiority to make the case that Mexico was an easy target from which the United States could, and should, acquire land. Beach insinuated through his illustrations’ nuances that the United States would be better off limiting its territorial ambitions to bring as few Mexicans within its borders as possible.
When the United States declared war on Mexico in 1846, newspaper publishers weighed in through editorials and war coverage on the debate over how much land the United States should acquire. This study compares and analyzes how two newspaper publishers, Moses Yale Beach and James Gordon Bennett Sr., expressed their political views through the pictures they published of Mexicans. Both used racial stereotypes that highlighted either the Native American, African, or European ancestry of the Mexican people, choosing which component to emphasize in different illustrations in order to make specific points about Mexico and Mexicans. They both imposed stereotypes about Native Americans, Africans, and Europeans on Mexicans to depict Mexicans as an inferior race. Bennett used this perceived inferiority to make the case that Mexico was an easy target from which the United States could, and should, acquire land. Beach insinuated through his illustrations’ nuances that the United States would be better off limiting its territorial ambitions to bring as few Mexicans within its borders as possible.
The Chicago Defender is one of the largest and most influential African American newspapers in the U.S. Some called it radical and dangerous. That’s because as early as 1920 it demanded racial equality, particularly in the South, in jobs, housing and transportation and preached black empowerment and black self-reliance. The paper published incendiary editorials with messages such as, “When the white fiends come to the door to kill you, shoot them down. When the white mob comes, take at least one with you.” But did the Defender maintain this aggressive stance some forty years later, in 1968, for instance, at a time when the civil rights movement was spreading across the country? To gain a true sense of history one must study the lion in winter as well as in spring. Thus this research examines what editorial positions the Defender took in 1968 and how readers responded through letters to the editor.
An unexamined symbol in Upper Canadian press and politics is the faction, despite factions being a target of editors and writers in the first competitive newspaper environments after 1827. This article shows how editors and writers constructed images of this political enemy. The author argues that in the pages of the press, the symbol of faction seemed a foil for the kind of political work writers and editors of all political stripes also symbolized regularly during elections from 1828 to 1841: a rational elective politics organized around new visible political groupings.
This is the twelfth in a series of articles on archival collections of interest to mass communication historians. Readers of Journalism History are invited to suggest collections that they would like to see appear in future articles, and the editors would welcome volunteers to write such articles. Volume 40, No. 2, Summer 2014
Advertising Campaign,: A Groundbreaking Appeal to the Negro Market of the 1950s,” 70-84. During the 1950s, the Pet Milk Company conducted a groundbreaking advertising campaign that used black spokespeople and unique ad copy to reach the so-called Negro market. The “happy family” campaign, led by the black ad executive W. Leonard Evans Jr., applied the well-established, but then largely ignored, market research dating back to the 1920s that proved the market potential and successful advertising methods for a distinct audience of black consumers. This qualitative study is the first to analyze the ads, which appeared in the Birmingham (Alabama) World, Washington (D.C.) Afro-American, Los Angeles Sentinel, and other black periodicals. The “happy family” campaign regularly exposed black consumers to PET Milk and promoted brand loyalty. It also reflected the growing civil rights movement and topics that would have resonated with the Negro market, including black pride, racial uplift, and equality with white individuals.
An examination of editorial cartooning of the War on Terror reveals the pressures put on cartoonists to conform to the Bush administration’s dogma. Many cartoonists defended the president. Others held their fire, either in support of the administration or because they did not want to offend their editor or readers, or, worse, face the wrath of the administration or its supporters in the conservative news media. Some cartoonists, however, expressed their opposition to the war with powerful images, believing that giving the president a free pass during times of crisis undermines the democratic process, and democracy itself. Such cartoonists often paid a price by having their work suppressed by their newspaper; or, in some cases, by being forced to work under strict dictates or even being fired. Our purpose is to track the response to cartoonists who challenged the Bush administration and its policies when such criticism is needed most—when wartime corsets us in the ideological straitjackets of militarism and nationalism.
After the launch of communication satellites in the early 1960s, Town Meeting of the World became the first television program designed specifically for this technology, featuring world leaders in live debates. The format drew on American journalistic ideals of an open exchange of viewpoints. By the late 1960s, those viewpoints from overseas became increasingly critical of the U.S., much to Americans’ consternation. Idealistic visions for new communication technologies do not always mesh easily with national, commercial, or journalistic realities.
There is a great volume of literature on the life of General George S. Patton Jr. Yet there is no comprehensive study of his relationship with the media. Long before the vital connection between the media and the military became evident, Patton had discovered and forged a symbiotic relationship with the press. He saw the usefulness of press attention for his soldiers, while reporters discovered that Patton made good headlines. Patton, however, quickly found himself trapped into the “blood and guts” stereotype by an increasingly hostile media. This article demonstrates, for the first time, the important role the media played in Patton’s wartime career, creating a distorted image that persists to this day.
Volume 40, No. 3, Fall 2014
There was an explosion of Black American newspapers in the United States in the period after the Civil War. These newspapers faced significant challenges of widespread illiteracy in the Black population and a hostile rhetorical environment. This analysis examines the ways in which the editorial cartooning of Henry J. Lewis allowed the Indianapolis Freeman to face these obstacles. The use of illustration allowed the Freeman to address Black demands for equality while avoiding dominant White attacks. Specifically, our analysis finds that Lewis argued for three forms of equality in his drawings: biological equality among the races, social equality through Victorian values, and political equality by adopting the norms of White political voice. These strategies, when taken together, help to connect Reconstruction-era Black rhetoric to Black rhetoric of the twentieth centuries. Implications for Black citizenship and the role of the Black press in grounding civil rights debates are offered.
This article examines how Australian war correspondents reported on, and experienced, psychological trauma in World War I and II. While the cultural representations of trauma, or shell shock as it was referred to, came from the works of poets and novelists in Britain, the main narrators in Australia were the journalists who were effectively silenced by the censors, the military, and the press organizations. The military and the press culture espoused similar ideals about empire, nationhood, masculine stoicism, and emotional detachment. Consequently, the narrative and the lexicon did not allow any recognition of the soldiers’ or the correspondents’ psychological distress. This article considers the relationship between witnessing violence and correspondents’ reporting and how the correspondents wrote about suffering when their own press culture negated it.
This article explores the construction of national identity through the coverage of immigrants and immigration in 1950s Israeli children’s magazines. The study’s interpretive-narrative analysis employed two research trajectories focusing on the narrators of immigration stories and the main plot structures featured in the magazines’ articles. The study’s main findings point at the sharp contrast between the positive presentation of the phenomenon of Jewish immigration to Israel as a fulfilment of a prophecy and the negative depiction of the immigrants themselves as primitive, not ideologically committed and burdening the young country’s economy. Beyond the specific historical context, the study provides conceptual and methodological insights into the fabula’s role in the narrative process, as well as to the use of immigrants’ depictions as a social tool for collective self-definition. By doing so, the article illuminates the reciprocal relationships between culture and journalistic practices.
This comparison of the leading male and female reporters in interwar France complicates gender distinctions in the careers and styles of grand reporters in France. Only eight interwar grand reporters were women. Did these women offer a different perspective than their male colleagues? Instead of answering this question by generalizing about disparate works by many male and a few female reporters, we focus on two newspaper series and two books on Shanghai published by Andrée Viollis (1870-1951) and Albert Londres (1884-1932) in the early 1930s. We apply to their reporting styles the literary technique of diaxis, or scoring how often authors use the first person to develop a sense of empathy in their readers or emotive phrases or grammatical configurations to evoke feelings about the subject. Our intersectional analysis shows that gender differences were closely associated with differences in their class and educational backgrounds, and hence in their social capital. The differences exclusively linked to gender involved their career paths, notably the interruptions of Viollis maternities, and their empathy toward their subjects. Viollis expressed more compassion toward individuals and more interest in their circumstances, which in turn resulted in a less racist approach to Shanghai.
This essay investigates World War II-era newsreels in order to understand how journalistic discourses create the means for understanding emerging technologies within the practice of journalism. The essay lays out a theoretical rationale influenced by Walter Benjamin for looking at how emerging technologies are understood through public discourse. The analysis looks at newsreels as a form of visual storytelling that presaged television news, and we argue that the wartime press provided a milieu for understanding how newsreels, as a journalistic medium, could be critiqued and understood as a storytelling form and how this form of critique played an important part in characterizing their content as journalistically valid. By focusing on issues of production and censorship alongside the aesthetic and technical aspects of the newsreels, the press created the terms by which newsreels could be judged, evaluated, and eventually integrated into the broader production of journalism. Our analysis shows that while issues of production were important, newsreels gained their greatest legitimacy through the celebration and lionizing of the cameramen as courageous newsgatherers, equal in stature to the soldiers they filmed.
In 1997, the new secretary-general of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, announced that he would reform the world’s largest organization to play a lead role in maintaining world peace and promoting human rights. As a result, Annan placed communication at the center of the reform process. In order for the UN to become an influential organization, Annan believed that the UN first needed to receive global public support; he organized and orchestrated a handful of public relations campaigns as part of the UN’s communication performances. This article examines two public relations campaigns conducted by the United Nations under Annan between 1997 and 2006: the Goodwill Ambassador/Messenger of Peace program and the 2005 World Summit. Annan aimed to improve the UN image with the public in general and to raise the organization’s profile as an active problem solver on the world stage in particular with the two most significant public relations campaigns in UN history. Volume 40, No. 4, Winter 2015
In 1949, former Farm Security Administration (FSA) photographer Russell Lee was hired to provide photographic documentation for a two-year sociological study undertaken by two University of Texas at Austin researchers that was titled “The Spanish-Speaking People of Texas.” The nine hundred images Lee shot were never published, yet Lee saw them as his finest body of work. A critical-historical examination of these images reveals that Lee worked in the same survey style he had employed during his FSA years. His images indeed demonstrate the lack of social justice and civil rights accorded to Mexican Americans in the late 1940s in Texas, while also displaying his subjects’ aspirational nature. Time constraints, a broad shooting script, and the photographer’s own lack of a deep understanding of the individuals he photographed worked against Lee, however, since his coverage displays little depth and the richness of Mexican American life is lacking in his images.
During World War II, U.S. media outlets cooperated with the government’s Office of War Information to incorporate positive war messages into publications, advertisements, books, and films. Public relations officers with the U.S. Naval Women’s Reserve (WAVES) took their mission seriously. They developed a media booklet outlining key dates for stepped publicity efforts to coordinate with anticipated needs for increased recruits. The booklet also offered suggestions for story themes or approaches. This study explores how the Navy’s desire for increased on-message publicity was manifest in specific mass market publications (general news and fashion magazines). It finds that the publications indeed did follow the Navy’s desire for publicity, but that the content and approach of the articles varied depending upon the perceived audience.
At the height of the Pacific war, Australian Prime Minister John Curtin elevated American journalists’ roles in his governance to elicit U.S. enthusiasm for his country’s defense. This study reveals new insights into how another Allied nation’s leader expanded American press interactions to influence the White House during World War II. As a former journalist, Curtin extended his candid press talks and the fledgling Australian radio and newsreel media to involve U.S. reporters in his campaign for an escalated offensive from America’s Southwest Pacific headquarters in Brisbane, Australia. Yet he lost key American press support for preventing some of his country’s troops from fighting in the Allies’ battles in Burma. Through a rare analysis of secret diaries, confidential briefings, and unscreened newsreels, this article shows how Curtin developed remarkably uncensored American journalistic reports to reclaim positive news coverage of the U.S.-led advance from Australia to help win the war.
This piece explores how racial integration within the professional sphere broadened opportunities for black women reporters in Pittsburgh and influenced white women’s perceptions of their black colleagues during the 1960s and 1970s. Through archival research and an examination of Johnson’s and Garland’s published writing, this article explores the lives and work of the Women’s Press Club of Pittsburgh’s first two black members, Toki Schalk Johnson and Hazel Garland. The black members of the WPCP saw themselves as leaders and their own writing shows that they considered their work at integrating the city’s segregated organizations, such as the WPCP, as a way to create lasting change for their successors. Johnson’s and Garland’s published work shows women who were not afraid to both upbraid and encourage the black community while challenging racial inequality in white-dominated spaces, including the WPCP and the women’s liberation movement.
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