Volume 1, No. 1, Spring 1974
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- Parkinson, Robert G. “‘An Astonishing Account of CIVIL WAR in North Carolina’: Rethinking the Newspaper Response to the Battle of Alamance.” 223-230.
- Underwood, Doug. “Depression, Drink, and Dissipation: The Troubled Inner World of Famous Journalist-Literary Figures and Art as the Ultimate Stimulant.” 186-200.
- Voss, Kimberly Wilmot. “Resources for Telling the Stories of Contemporary Women’s Page Editors: Archives and Oral Herstories.” 240-243.
- Volume 33, No. 1, Spring 2007 Borchard, Gregory A. “The New York Tribune and the 1844 Election: Horace Greeley, Gangs, and the Wise Men of Gotham.” 51-59.
- Cone, Stacey. “The Pentagon’s Propaganda Mills: How ‘Arkansas’ Quijote’ Tilted Against Militarism and Challenged the Marketplace of Ideas in America.” 24-41.
- Lumsden, Linda J. “The Essentialist Agenda of the ‘Woman’s Angle’ in Cold War Washington: The Case of Associated Press Reporter Ruth Cowan.” 2-13.
- Mizuno, Takeya. “The Federal Government’s Decisions in Suppressing the Japanese-Language Press, 1941-1942.” 14-23.
- Tolstikova, Natasha. “Early Soviet Advertising: ‘We Have to Extract All the Stinking Bourgeois Elements.’” 42-50.
- Volume 33, No. 2, Summer 2007 Edwardson, Mickie. “Convergence, Issues, and Attitudes in the Fight over Newspaper-Broadcast Cross-Ownership.” 79-92.
- Foust, James C., and Katherine A. Bradshaw. “Something for the Boys: Framing Images of Women in Broadcasting Magazine in the 1950s.” 93-100.
- Reimold, Daniel. “Sexual, Revolutionary: The First U.S. College Newspaper Sex Column, 1996-97.” 101-110.
- Tolbert, Jane T. “‘Plowing Gold from the Wasteland’: Media Portrayal of South Florida’s Boom, 1920-25.” 111-120.
- Willis, L. Anne. “Press Control During Auburn University’s Desegregation.” 70-78.
- Volume 33, No. 3, Fall 2007 Carroll, Brian. “North vs. South: Chicago Defender Coverage of the Integration of Professional Baseball in the City.” 163-172.
- Copeland, David A. “A Series of Fortunate Events: Why People Believed Richard Adams Locke’s ‘Moon Hoax.’” 140-150.
- Harrington-Lueker, Donna. “Finding a Market for Suffrage: Advertising and The Revolution , 1868-70.” 130-139.
- Henry, Susan. “‘We Must Not Forget That We Are Dealing with a Woman’: Jane Grant’s Return to a Magazine and a Cause.” 151-162.
- Watson, Roxanne. “Marcus Garvey’s Trial for Seditious Libel in Jamaica.” 173-184.
- Volume 33, No. 4, Winter 2008
- Friedman, Barbara G. “‘A National Disgrace’: Newspaper Coverage of the 1963 Birmingham Campaign in the South and Beyond.” 224-232.
- Powers, Devon. “The ‘Folk Problem’: The Village Voice Takes on Folk Music, 1955-65.” 205-214.
- Ross, Felecia Jones. “The Cleveland Call and Post and the Election of Carl B. Stokes.” 215-223.
- Willey, Susan K. “Founding of the Dallas Morning News ’ Religion Section.” 194-204.
- Volume 34, No. 1, Spring 2008
Hudson, Berkley. “‘The Mississippi Negro Farmer,’ His Mule, and President Franklin D. Roosevelt: Racial Portrayals of Sylvester Harris in the Black and White 1930s.” 201-212. In 1934, at the height of the Depression, Mississippi black farmer Sylvester Harris telephoned President Franklin D. Roosevelt and told him that he could not make the mortgage payments on his cotton farm. The president agreed to help stop the foreclosure on his farm, and the story became national news, first appearing in Harris’ hometown newspaper and then being sent throughout the country by Associated Press. This article traces how the media constructed Harris as a spunky folk hero, and it analyzes written and visual news coverage, including a photograph, two newsreels, and a cartoon about him. A key aspect of the research considers how the mainstream press, including the New York Times, treated Harris differently from African American newspapers, such as the Chicago Defender.
This article challenges the myth that the battle of Alamance, a bloody clash in May 1771 between rebellious North Carolina “Regulators” and the colonial administration, was what was popularly believed at the time to be the “first battle of the American Revolution.” A thorough examination of American newspapers does not support this legend. Even though they would be at war with the British government in just four years, many American printers published a multitude of reporters from North Carolina that supported the royal government and defended Governor William Tryon. In fact, there was little consensus about the Regulators. During the months that followed the battle, a vigorous debate raged in print throughout the colonies about the legitimacy of the backcountry disturbance. It seems, even in the 1770s, not all rebels were created equal.
An examination of the lives of 187 famous journalist-literary figures shows that a high proportion of them battled substance abuse and emotional health problems. This pattern fits in with research that shows a close relationship between artistic temperament and mental health difficulties. This article discusses the connection between those behaviors and the choice of journalism and writing as a career, and it examines whether journalism attracts personalities who project unhealthy psychic tensions onto the world. The fact that so many of the journalist-literary figures found themselves imprisoned in compulsive behaviors leads one to ponder the ironies of their lives that were lived for the sake of freedom and uninhibited artistic expression but ended up miserable for themselves and those around them. And it makes one wonder whether future journalist-literary figures will follow the same path.
This is the eighth in a series of articles on archival collections of interest to mass communication historians. Readers of Journalism History are invited to suggest collections that they would like to see appear in future articles, and the editors would welcome volunteers to write such articles. Volume 33, No. 1, Spring 2007
This article analyzes the New York Tribune’s coverage of the 1844 elections, interpreting James K. Polk’s narrow victory over Whig candidate Henry Clay from the perspective of the firm of William H. Seward, Thurlow Weed, and Horace Greeley, an influential press and political organization. It examines newspaper content that reflected voter response to salient issues, profiling particularly the roles of Greeley, editor of the Tribune, who failed to anticipate the effect of certain variables—including gang activities, a third-party movement, and press leaks—on the election results. The study revisits events in Manhattan’s infamous Five Points area to suggest that cultural issues beyond the scope of both editors and politicians contributed to the outcome of the elections and to subsequent debates over westward expansion and the role of slavery in newly acquired territories.
Senator J. William Fulbright remains best known for the international exchange program that he started, but for thirteen years of his congressional career, he also was a crusader against the Pentagon’s “propaganda machine.” This article documents and analyzes his challenge to the Defense Department’s domestic use of “mental munitions” and “opinion ops” from 1961 to 1974, contextualizing events within a broader history of congressional opposition to executive propaganda. It provides evidence that he lost his immediate political, intellectual, and his philosophical battle against the Pentagon’s public relations apparatus. Nevertheless he may have contributed to the rise of scholarly criticism of government’s coequal participation in the marketplace of ideas as well as to criticism that assumptions associated with the marketplace of ideas are faulty.
This article explores the paradoxical nature of the woman’s angle in journalism in the mid-twentieth century through the prism of Associated Press member Ruth Cowan’s career. Using her private papers as well as her published work, it analyzes how her reporting in postwar Washington, D.C., reinforced feminine stereotypes that limited women to home and family even as she defied those stereotypes by personal example and by reporting on women’s activities in politics and government. Secondary threads explore how she covered the woman’s angle as a World War II correspondent and illuminate the empowering effect of female culture provided by the National Women’s Press Club against the backdrop of the male-dominated profession’s discriminatory practices and attitudes. The thesis is that the women’s angle was an essentialist, male-constructed category intended to keep women journalists and their readers in their place.
The study analyzed the federal government’s decisions regarding the suppression of the Japanese “enemy language” press in the United States in the early months of World War II. While military officials wanted total suppression, civilian officials insisted on preserving and utilizing the Japanese press to support the nation’s war policies, and the inter-departmental Committee on War Information (CWI) decided in favor of the civilian officials’ goals. These officials then considered implementing a foreign-language press control law, but they eventually withdrew the idea. Thus, the Japanese-language press was exempted from total suppression or any other specially tailored legal regulations. However, it was still subject to a lesser degree of control throughout the war by the Army, and the papers, except in Utah, Colorado, and the internment camps, stopped publishing by mid-May 1942.
This article unveils the roots of Soviet advertising and the sources for its inspiration, some of which resided in Russian revolutionary visual propaganda as well as in capitalist advertising. It analyzes in the 1920s, which was when the idea of socialist advertising was seriously discussed and utilized in the media. Zhurnalist, a trade publication for print workers, was closely supervised by the Communist Party, which considered advertising a wasteful economic activity peculiar to capitalism and incompatible with socialism. However, the magazine took a pro-advertising position that probably resulted from the overall interest in advertising on the ideological level. The article argues that the advertising in Zhurnalist reflected the authorities’ desire to utilize this traditionally capitalist tool for the benefit of the socialist economy. Volume 33, No. 2, Summer 2007
Since broadcasting began, conflict has existed about whether newspapers should own radio stations. Some believed that cross-ownership would decrease the variety of issues available to the public, and the conflict increased in 2003 when the Federal Communications Commission proposed that more cross-ownership should be permitted. The fact that the new media combinations would include newspapers, radio, television, cable, and the Internet inspired controversy. Many noted that journalists working in multiple media would provide news of lower quality. Others, however, expected convergence to promote efficiency. Research will determine how journalism education should change to prepare for convergence.
This article examines the portrayal of women in Broadcasting magazine, the premier trade publication of the broadcasting industry, during the 1950s. Using a random sample of forty issues that appeared during the decade, images of women were coded and then analyzed using frames. Four dominant frames emerged: women as sex objects or decoration; women as housewives; women displaying stereotypical behaviors; and women as professionals. The article argues that positive portrayals of women as professionals were heavily outweighed in the magazine by stereotypical portrayals with far more scantily clad models appearing than female station managers. For example, the study found that 85 percent of the images showed women as decoration or in stereotypical roles or behavior while only 12 percent of the images showed women in roles as off-air broadcast professionals.
This article details the events, individuals, and issues connected with the start of “Sex on Tuesday,” the first and longest-running college newspaper sex column nationwide, which was (and continues to be) published in The Daily Californian, the independent student newspaper at the University of California. Utilizing an examination of the first semester’s sixteen columns and interviews with editors of the paper as well as the first columnist, the study shows that the staff’s chief legacy was its recognition of, and courage to act upon, the students’ interest in sex even though some readers were alienated. The column is significant for pioneering content that continues to reverberate in academic, journalistic, and larger societal pools, existing over the past decade as one of the most publicized, electrifying, and divisive phenomena in student journalism at the higher education level.
During the five years of the South Florida land boom, cities grew rapidly and the populations skyrocketed. This article examines the three themes used in the northern mainstream press and two Florida newspapers to portray the boom: a vision of paradise, the Everglades as a cornucopia, and easy money on the last frontier. At the same time, naturalists decried the loss of habitat and press organizations sought to establish a code of ethics to limit corporate influence on news content. The results of this study suggest that the press contributed to the land-buying frenzy with numerous promotional articles and avoided any mention of a negative impact on the environment, although that information was available, while viewing the code of ethics as a formality that had little impact on their portrayal of what was occurring in Florida.
Desegregation at the universities of Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama in 1956 to 1963 was marked by both violence and considerable press attention, not only locally and regionally but nationally. Although forced to integrate in 1964, Auburn University’s experience is less well known than that of its sister schools because press coverage of the event was controlled by President Ralph B. Draughon. This article helps alleviate the scarcity of research on news coverage of school desegregation by examining how the university effectively restricted the media in their ability to collect news. If some of Auburn’s tactics were used today, they would be considered unconstitutional because they would: undermine a free press, censor a student newspaper, and restrict the media’s access to a university, which is public property. Volume 33, No. 3, Fall 2007
This article examines the integration of the Chicago Cubs as it was anticipated, chronicled, and contextualized by the Chicago Defender, the city’s largest black newspaper during the 1950s. The Cubs’ additions of Ernie Banks and Gene Baker late in the 1953 season are placed into the black community’s social and cultural contexts of the time. Examined are the loyalties and cleavages of the south side, loyalties that were already divided among the White Sox, which had integrated several seasons earlier, and the Negro American League, which was struggling to survive (and losing that struggle). Also studied is the reluctance with which the Cubs finally integrated, a late-season decision made almost seven full seasons after Jackie Robinson broke major league baseball’s color bar as a member of the 1947 Brooklyn Dodgers.
In August 1835, the New York Sun published a series that came to define for media historians the sensational nature of penny-press news when Richard Adams Locke’s story of the discovery of life on the moon captured national attention. What seems to contemporary readers as an obvious fabrication was accepted at the time as factual because the Moon Hoax was a series based in the contemporary wisdom of the age. Everyone believed intelligent life existed on other planets, and Locke used this wisdom along with some fortunate events—the return of Halley’s Comet, astronomist John Herschel’s trip to South Africa, and the demise of the Edinburgh Journal of Science—to create a series that initially fooled everyone. It built upon what had appeared in newspapers, almanacs, books, journals, and religious commentary for centuries.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony’s The Revolution (1868-70) is a central text in the history of the woman suffrage movement, but the contentious weekly also was part of a highly competitive nineteenth-century publishing market. This article examines the celebrated weekly’s advertising and circulation practices. Such a reading brings to the surface not simply a woman suffrage newspaper but the threads of three different publications at three points in the weekly’s short history: a national opinion weekly, a labor reform publication, and a women’s literary or parlor magazine. Together the changes that show up in content and positioning over this period attest to Stanton’s and Anthony’s active efforts to reposition their weekly to gain both new audiences and new advertisers.
When Jane Grant divorced Harold Ross in 1929, it appeared her involvement in The New Yorker, which she had helped him found, would end. Yet her risk-taking nature, problem-solving skills, and financial stake in the magazine inspired her to lead a 1942 shareholders revolt and then to spearhead the creation of a highly—and unexpectedly—successful edition for soldiers overseas. This helped her negotiate a consulting position at the magazine. An almost equally surprising feat was her revival of the Lucy Stone League in the anti-feminist 1950s. After broadening its purpose beyond helping married women keep their birth names, she energetically led its fight for women’s rights. In both endeavors she had the unconditional support of her second husband, William Harris, with whom she founded a pioneering retail nursery, White Flower Farm.
In the period after Marcus Garvey’s return to Jamaica from the United States, the civil rights leader was welcomed as a hero by the poorer classes but was viewed with suspicion by the authorities, who feared his popularity and his reputation. In 1930, he was charged, prosecuted, and convicted of seditious libel. Although his conviction was ultimately overturned in the Court of Appeal for procedural reasons, his trial and conviction for sedition was one way in which the authorities tried to abort his controversial political programs to uplift the black race. This article traces his trial as an example of how the legal system in post-emancipation colonial Jamaica was used to abort Garvey’s fledgling political movement. Volume 33, No. 4, Winter 2008
This article examines how local newspapers covered the attempted enrollment and subsequent legal fight that African American journalist Lucile Bluford waged against the University of Missouri, the birthplace of journalism education, in 1939. The case rose in the shadow of the U.S. Supreme Court’s better known Lloyd Gaines decision, which was the NAACP’s most significant challenge of the separate but equal doctrine arising from Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896. The school’s first dean and patriarch, Walter Williams, called for reporters to battle injustice and to remain objective in “The Journalist’s Creed.” This became a hallmark of the school and journalists worldwide, and reporters covering the Bluford case learned the creed from Williams’ disciples. However, this study shows they failed to follow it.
Because of a series of editorial apologies for neglecting coverage of the civil rights movement, this article examines coverage of the 1963 Birmingham campaign in five prestige dailies to explore the social construction of news and the relationship between news organizations, their subjects, and their audiences. This study considers survey data that indicated regional attitudes toward civil rights and found coverage did not always reflect the views of a paper’s readers. Southern newspapers tended to discredit movement leaders and their agenda, as well as to emphasize law enforcement’s preparedness, while northern and western papers were sympathetic to the movement. The study specifically considers why a midwest paper was hostile to the movement in contradiction to its readers’ pro-integration attitude.
This article examines the Village Voice’s coverage of Greenwich Village’s growing folk music scene. The Village’s “folk problem” had three manifestations: the contentious role that folk played in changing the community dynamics of the Village; the issues of taste raised by folk as a new genre of music; and disputes within the folk community over commercialization, popularization, and electrification. The study argues that the Voice’s approaches to folk expanded readers’ notions of popular music journalism and criticism, giving additional insight into the origins, purposes, and methods of critical consecration and serious writing about music. It also contends that the paper’s popular music criticism deserves a more prominent place in journalism history, popular music studies, and mass communications.
When Carl B. Stokes was elected the first African-American mayor of a major U.S. city (Cleveland) in 1967, it was considered a symbol of achievement for the nation’s ongoing civil rights movement. Although national and local mainstream media paid considerable attention to his successful campaign, little attention has been given to the role his city’s African-American newspaper played. The Cleveland Call and Post did not merely chronicle Stokes’ campaign; it actively mobilized the African-American community to realize its political strength, and it challenged the white community to exercise racial tolerance to make history. The paper’s crusade further exemplified the role and viability of the African-American press during their struggle to find their place among daily media sources that also covered the African-American community.
When the Dallas Morning News teamed up with Freedom Forum consultants to plan a new religion section, the process involved leaders of all faith groups in the city. The six-page section debuted in December 1994 and was an immediate success, winning numerous awards and drawing accolades from journalism organizations because it was a commitment by a major news organization to produce good religion coverage and help legitimize religion as an important news beat. The section encouraged other newspapers to either begin or to expand their religion sections. But in January 2007, the section was cut and allocated to several pages in the metro section, a victim of financial pressures affecting newspapers. This article tracks the planning and development of the section and how it fit the culture of the times. Volume 34, No. 1, Spring 2008
This article examines letters to the editor published in the Woman’s Journal, an eight-page woman’s suffrage newspaper published weekly and distributed nationally, from 1870 to 1890. Letters to the editor provide insight into the workers of the movement, who may not have been able to attend conventions or meet with like-minded women. Although much has been written about the leaders of the American woman’s suffrage movement, little is known about the average suffragist. This study shows that readers of the Journal used consciousness-raising rhetoric similar to the genre of women’s liberation rhetoric of the twentieth-century women’s rights movement. Thus, the press was an interactive communication partner that enabled them to form a community of geographically separated suffragists.
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