Volume 1, No. 1, Spring 1974
Kitch, Carolyn. “‘A Genuine, Vivid Personality’: Newspaper Coverage and Construction of a ‘Real’ Advertising Celebrity in a Pioneering Publicity Campaign.” 122-137
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- Risley, Ford. “‘Dear Courier’: The Civil War Correspondence of Editor Melvin Dwinell.” 162-170.
- Towne, Stephen E. “Works of Indiscretion: Violence Against the Democratic Press in Indiana during the Civil War.” 138-149.
- Volume 31, No. 4, Winter 2006 Allen, Gene. “News Across the Border: Associated Press in Canada, 1894-1917.” 206-217.
- Bradshaw, Katherine A. “‘America Speaks’: George Gallup’s First Syndicated Public Opinion Poll.” 198-205.
- Reincheld, Aaron. “‘Saturday Night Live’ and Weekend Update: The Formative Years of Comedy News Dissemination.” 190-197.
- Wallace, Aurora. “A Height Deemed Appalling: Nineteenth-Century New York Newspaper Buildings.” 178-189.
- Volume 32, No. 1, Spring 2006 Borchard, Gregory. “From Pink Lemonade to Salt River: Horace Greeley’s Utopia and the Death of the Whig Party.” 22-33.
- Carroll, Brian. “Early Twentieth-Century Heroes: Coverage of Negro League Baseball in the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender .” 34-42.
- Greenwald, Marilyn. “‘A Pen as Sharp as a Stiletto’: Cleveland Amory as Critic and Activist.”13-21.
- Voss, Kimberly Wilmot. “The Penney-Missouri Awards: Honoring the Best in Women’s News.” 43-50.
- Webb, Sheila. “The Tale of Advancement: Life Magazine’s Construction of the Modern American Success Story.” 2-12.
- Volume 32, No. 2, Summer 2006 Broussard, Jinx Coleman. “Exhortation to Action: The Writings of Amy Jacques Garvey, Journalist and Black Nationalist.” 87-95.
- Kuhn, Martin. “Drawing Civil War Soldiers: Volunteers and the Draft in Harper’s Weekly and Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper , 1861-64.” 96-105.
- Makemson, Harlen. “Beat the Press: How Leading Political Cartoonists Framed Protests at the 1968 Democratic Party Convention.” 77-86.
- Williams, Julian. “The Truth Shall Make You Free: The Mississippi Free Press , 1961-63.” 106-113.
- Yarrow, Andrew L. “The Big Postwar Story: Abundance and the Rise of Economic Journalism.” 58-76.
- Volume 32, No. 3, Fall 2006 Conway, Mike. “The Birth of CBS-TV News: An Ambitious Experiment at the Advent of U.S. Commercial Television.” 128-137.
- Gershenhorn, Jerry. “Double V in North Carolina: The Carolina Times and the Struggle for Racial Equality during World War II.” 156-167.
- Mayer, Gordon. “Party Rags: Politics and the News Business in Chicago’s Party Press, 1831-71.” 138-146.
- Nord, David Paul. “James Carey and Journalism History: A Remembrance.” 122-127.
- Weinstein, Elizabeth. “Married to Rock and Roll: Jane Scott, Grandmother of Rock Journalism.” 147-155.
- Volume 32, No. 4, Winter 2007 Cronin, Mary. “‘Dear Swinton’: New York Times Correspondents’ Confidential Letters from the Front Lines, 1864-65.” 213-222.
- Darling, Juanita. “Re-Imagining the Nation: Revolutionary Media and Historiography in Mesoamerica.” 231-239.
Kitch, Carolyn. “‘A Genuine, Vivid Personality’: Newspaper Coverage and Construction of a ‘Real’ Advertising Celebrity in a Pioneering Publicity Campaign.” 122-137. From 1901 to 1917, the Lackawanna Railroad waged an advertising and publicity campaign featuring an illustrated woman named Phoebe Snow, who rode the trains dressed in white and never got dirty and whose serialized adventures unfolded in seventy advertisements. She may have been the first advertising celebrity of the modern era, and fans imagined her as real, thanks to newspaper reporters who rode the trains with and interviewed the model who posed as “Phoebe.” This journalistic coverage appeared at a time when railroads needed to improve their public image and promote passenger travel; newspapers were increasingly dependent on advertising revenue; and the emerging profession of publicity blurred the definition of news. Drawing on rhetorical and discourse theory, this article constructs a picture of this early media celebrity and offers a case study in the emergence of publicity as the intersection of journalism and advertising.
Melvin Dwindell, the editor of the Rome (Georgia) Courier, was on the most prolific and skilled Confederate correspondents of the Civil War. For two-and-a-half years, the Confederate officer gave readers of his newspaper information about the war from a hometown perspective. His more than 200 letters to the Courier also provide valuable insight into the war experiences of a small-town Civil War editor in the South and reveal how one enterprising editor managed to live as a soldier and report on the war, all the while finding a way to keep his newspaper publishing as long as possible. Moreover, his dedication to regularly sending letters back to the Courier was a clear indication of the growing importance that news held for rural newspapers.
A systematic survey based on extensive research in Indiana newspapers and archival sources reveal that violence against the newspaper press, both Democratic and Republican, was widespread during the Civil War. Most violence was directed at Democratic newspapers and editors with Union soldiers perpetrating the violence and threats of violence in the majority of cases. Ideologically driven troops, disgusted by what they perceived to be “fire in the rear” disloyalty by Democrats, took violent steps to punish “treasonable” speech; and civilian authority was often powerless to stop soldiers, who were rarely called to account for their deeds. This article finds far more instances of violence, coercion, threats, and arrest than previous studies and points to the partisan nature of the press as a key factor in understanding why and how violence occurred. Volume 31, No. 4, Winter 2006
The connection between large international news agencies and their smaller national counterparts was a key characteristic of the international news systems that emerged in the late nineteenth century. This article examines the tensions between these unequal partners by considering the early relationship between the Associated Press and the Canadian Press, which was Canada’s domestic news agency. Canadian publishers were uneasy about their reliance on AP, but they considered it indispensable and believed a direct relationship gave them more influence over the news they received. AP believed its own interested were best served in the Canadians overcame their differences and formed a functioning national news organization. Paradoxically, the AP-CP relationship helped create an important institution of Canadian nationality even while cementing its subordinate status.
George Gallup said the creation of public opinion polling grew from his experience in journalism, an encounter with electoral politics, and his training in applied psychology, and the goals of polling were to make audible the voice of the common man and bring science to democracy. This article, however, shows point-by-point connections between his reader-interest research and his first syndicated poll results, which appears in “America Speaks” on October 20, 1935, in at least thirty newspapers across the country. It reveals the foundation of Gallup’s public opinion polling in his market research and suggests that appealing to newspapers’ readers and promoting his market research were additional goals. It also establishes an earlier date for the origin of the understanding of public opinion as poll results.
“Saturday Night Live” is a television institution that has playing a pivotal role in cultivating American television satire within its main target for the last thirty years being politics and politicians, particularly on its Weekend Update segment. Using interviews with some of those involved with “SNL” as well as other primary sources, this article examines how this “newscast” was developed over its first five years, with attention paid to its role and purpose, how its material was selected and written, and the limitations placed on it by censors and the nature of the show. This shows how Weekend Update expanded the parameters of what is allowable on network television as well as how those putting together this segment had to pay close attention to the traditional news media, resulting in the “SNL” office in many ways resembling a real media newsroom.
In the last quarter of the nineteenth-century in New York, the largest newspapers were concentrated along a short stretch of Park Row in lower Manhattan. In this high profile location, the Tribune, the Times, and the World used architecture as a means to forge their corporate identity in the minds of city dwellers. In their efforts to distinguish themselves from one another, and as symbols of their own success, publishers commissioned the leading architects of the day to build them increasingly taller structures for their papers. Using newspapers, personal letters, and architectural plans as source materials, this article demonstrates that the new American form of the skyscraper was at least in part attributable to the efforts of the newspaper industry to convey the ascendancy of the mass media in modern society. Volume 32, No. 1, Spring 2006
Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, combined his beliefs in abolitionism, the free-soil movement, and a high protective tariff with Fourierism, a nineteenth-century utopian theory, to create a destabilizing effect on the second-party system, contributing to the formation of the Republican Party. This article illustrates Tribune partisanship in the 1840s and 1850s with references to editorials, Whig campaign documents, the correspondence of Greeley and associates William H. Seward and Thurlow Weed, and Association Discussed, a controversial series of exchanges with New York Times founder Henry Raymond. It reinterprets Greeley’s contributions to the third-party system by demonstrating a developmental relationship between the penny press and antebellum party formation.
This article explores the role of the black press in creating and portraying role models to the largely urban black community of the 1920s, 1930s, and the first half of the 1940s, leading up to Jackie Robinson being chosen to break major league baseball’s color barrier in 1947. It seeks a better understanding of daily reality for this community by looking at black press sports coverage of these exclusively male figures. By examining the values, goals, and actions held up by the black press as those to model and mirror, it is perhaps possible to better understand what the black community of the period sought in its hero figures and important people and, therefore, how its members saw themselves and who they hoped to become. This study assumes a scope and function of the hero in society as a phenomenon of mass media communication.
When Cleveland Amory wrote his best-selling book The Proper Bostonians in 1947 at age thirty, he launched a career in broadcasting, television criticism, and magazine writing. In a career spanning nearly fifty years, the versatile Amory was a regular commentator for eleven years during the early years of the “Today” show, chief television critic for thirteen years for TV Guide, and then a contributing editor of Parade magazine. Despite his status as an author, a magazine writer, and a broadcaster, it was his participation in the growing animal-rights movement of the 1960s and 1970s that may form his legacy, but his zeal for the movement nearly sabotaged a successful writing career. This paper offers a sketch of the iconoclastic Amory’s career and examines how he reinvented himself many times.
This article examines the Penney-Missouri Awards competition, which was meant to raise the standards of women’s pages by recognizing the sections that went beyond traditional content. Using interviews to look at the competition’s history as well as framing analysis to examine the content of winning submissions, the study’s findings over the period from 1960 to 1971 support a revision in the history of women’s pages. While traditional women’s pages filled with society, home, and wedding news appeared in many newspapers, some sections were progressive in their content and their writing style. Recognizing the differences among women’s page editors at various newspapers helps to strip away the invisibility of women in journalism history and stresses the important role played by them in pressing for change.
In the 1930s and the 1940, Life’s visual narratives conveyed the norms and standards of the new, modern culture and strove to create a community of citizens who, with the proper training and knowledge, could thrive in this new society. The person best suited to lead the way in this new culture was the self-made professional, who as the creator of the norms of modern society, also became their embodiment. Biographical sketches of professionals appeared frequently in Life as “Tales of Advancement,” which constructed the myth of American success. Unlike the Horatio Alger stories, these tales told of men and women who succeeded through natural talent, hard work, and application. This study analyzed these success narratives through archival research, examination of primary texts, and content analysis, and places them within the culture at large. Volume 32, No. 2, Summer 2006
This article provides a perspective on the diverse nature of the black press by examining themes in the writings of Amy Jacques Garvey, a largely unrecognized black woman journalist who was an associate editor and editorial writer for the Negro World, the official organ a Marcus Garvey’s Back-to-Africa Movement. Analysis of approximately thirty editorials that she wrote between 1924 and 1927 found she sought to raise black consciousness by stressing the values of productivity, self-reliance, thriftiness, and hard work as means of gaining economic empowerment and independence. This offers insight into how Jacques Garvey, whose voice was not in the mainstream of the African-American press, used one publication to advance the agenda of a movement that had an impact on millions of black people.
News illustrations and editorial cartoons in Harper’s Weekly and Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, the two major illustrated news weeklies of the time, have been credited with directly aiding Civil War enlistment efforts in the North. This article uses illustrations and editorial cartoons published from 1861 to 1864 in both weeklies to demonstrate that while they supported voluntary enlistments and bounties, Harper’s supported the Civil War draft while Leslie’s did not. The difference in editorial positions regarding the draft was heightened by coverage of the draft riots in 1863. Harper’s played down the riots and limited coverage primarily to a two-page spread depicting ape-like, Irish rioters committing acts of violence. Leslie’s carried considerably more coverage, depicting less chaotic “rioters” and used riot illustrations on its cover.
Anti-war protestors at the 1968 Democratic convention chanted, “The whole world is watching,” as Chicago police beat demonstrators. But it was not only television that depicted the violence. In the aftermath, political cartoonists tried to make sense of the carnage, assign blame, and express outrage. Seven of the nation’s leading cartoonists of the period told the story by portraying the candidates, Mayor Richard J. Daley, the police, and even the barbed wire meant to keep undesirables out of the proceedings. But strikingly absent, for the most part, form their discourse were depictions of those who caused the security concerns in the first place—the protestors. Instead, cartoonists, and the press at large, focused attention on violence that had been directed toward their own journalistic colleagues.
This article focuses on the first two years of the Mississippi Free Press, which was the brainchild of slain civil rights leader Medgar Evers. That time period was critical for the newspaper because that was when its editorial philosophy was developed and when it faced major challenges as a result of the changing social environment. Although the conservative establishment was bitterly opposed to the publication, it quickly became a force to be reckoned with in the state as it confronted the repressive, virulent power structure and served as an advocate for justice and equality. It only lasted twelve years because as perceptions about race changed, contributions from labor and other key supporters dwindled. Nevertheless, during its existence, it woke up the Jackson community to the disease of bigotry and served as a catalyst for positive social change.
The post-World War II era saw a dramatic transformation of U.S. financial journalism. Financial reporting changed from reciting stock quotations, company earnings, and puff pieces on businessmen and individual companies to broader stories about the national economy and what economic trends meant for average Americans. The readership of business publications also expanded enormously during the twenty years after the war, and economic reporting gained a more prominent place in major newspapers and general-interest magazines. What once was intended for a small cognoscenti of businessmen was now geared to the burgeoning postwar middle class. Most significantly, financial journalists recognized that the era’s big story was America’s dramatic economic growth and mass prosperity along with the changes that these wre bringing about in American society. Volume 32, No. 3, Fall 2006
Edward R. Murrow is often given credit for his groundbreaking television work on See It Now in the mid-1950s, but the birth of CBS_TV news dates back more than a decade before he made the jump from radio to television. At the start of commercial television in July 1941, CBS allowed a small group at its New York City experimental station to develop a format for TV news with little involvement from the exalted CBS Radio news department. The WCBW crew experimented with visual techniques and developed a format for news in two fifteen-minute daily television newscasts until wartime restrictions forced its cancellation. That experience became invaluable when television news covered its first national crisis, the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor, and the 1941-42 WCBW newscasts laid the foundation for newscasts aired even today.
Louis Austin, the editor of Durham’s Carolina Times and one of the most outspoken of the southern black editors, was the leading proponent of the Double V strategy in North Carolina during World War II. He joined other black activists and newspapers in articulating a dual strategy in which blacks fought for victory abroad against the Axis powers while fighting for victory at home against the forces of white supremacy and racial oppression. He further stimulated the politics of the protest in the South by calling for an end to racial oppression in education, politics, economics, and the armed forces; and his wartime use of the politics of protest helped lay the groundwork.
As the penny press was getting started in cities such as Boston, New York City, and Philadelphia, a thousand miles to the west Chicago’s early newspapers followed a different path. The party papers of Chicago in the years from the city’s founding in 1833 to the Great Fire in 1871 grew to incorporate elements more typically associated with the penny press even as penny papers that started there during the period failed. Chicago’s party press by the 1850s and 1860s had begun to shed its formal ties to political patrons as journalists served larger and more diverse audiences, both earlier than has been thought and in more sophisticated ways than has previously been described. Also briefly examined in the article is the possible development in this period of the “scoop” by Chicago’s post-Civil War journalists.
This research explores more than 1,534 published letters to the editor and 2,197 editorials in ten African-American newspapers from October 29, 1929, the day when the stock market crashed, through October 29, 1930. During this one-year period, African-American readers and editorial writers discussed and debated vital issues, attempted to make sense of the rapidly changing world, and created a sense of community on the editorial pages of their newspapers. This study, which examined papers from South, East, and West as well as the “Promised Land” of the North, is important because the largely unfiltered voices of the black letter writers from 1929-30 are heard as they grappled in print with life and racism, pleaded their own causes, worked out their identities, and expressed their worries about daily life.
Jane Scott, a rock music critic for the Cleveland Plain Dealer from 1952 to 2002, was the first rock journalist at a daily U.S. newspapers; eventually the oldest rock critic on a daily paper; and finally, a woman in an area of journalism that was, and arguably still is, disproportionately crowded with young male, reporters. Over the fifty years, she became beloved by the world’s biggest rock stars, as well as her readers, as she used luck, pluck, and a strong determination to succeed against the odds. Using interviews with Scott and those who knew and worked with her, along with newspaper and magazine articles, this is the story of a female pioneer who carved out a reportorial niche in something she came to love. “If you love what you are doing, you are blessed,” she said. “I consider what I have is love, and I’m just grateful that I was able to get it. I was just lucky.” Volume 32, No. 4, Winter 2007
This article examines thirty letters written from May 1864 to March 1865 by New York Times correspondents John R. Hamilton and Henry Jacob Winser to their editor, John Swinton. Accompanying their newspaper reporter and note meant for publication, they let Swinton know what was transpiring in the Civil War and what military maneuvers might be occurring in the upcoming days and weeks. They also afforded the reporters a chance to air concerns about pay, supplies, overwork, and competition. Although the history of Civil War correspondents has been well researched, these letters are significant because they reveal two reporters’ views of the war and their concerns during the warfare. The personal nature of the correspondence offers a chance to gain a greater understanding of the motives and actions of the reporters rather than inferring them from their accounts.
Three Mesoamerican revolutionary movements each chose an early twentieth-century hero as their centerpiece for reinterpreting their national histories and constructing images of nations betrayed. Thus, they constructed their fights as the most recent chapter in prolonged struggles for control of their countries. This contrasted with detractors’ attempts to de-legitimize the rebellions by portraying them as puppets of recent international movements. To make their arguments, the rebels relied on a newspaper, Barricada, in Nicaragua; two radio stations, Radio Venveremos and Radio Farabundo Marti, in El Salvador; and the internet in Chiapas, Mexico. This article examines how the revolutionary groups used their media to reinterpret their countries’ histories in a way that vindicated their struggles while casting doubt on the legitimacy of their opponents.
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