Volume 1, No. 1, Spring 1974
Kilmer, Paulette D., “Teresa Howard Dean: A Trickster Wandering Far and Near in Search of Common Wisdom,” 15-23
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- Cronin, Mary M., “An Almost Undiscovered Country”: Frank Leslie’s 1890 Alaska Expedition and the Tradition of Gilded Age Adventure Journalism,” 24-32.
- Banning, Stephen A., “John McCutcheon’s Asian Adventure: A Nineteenth-Century Adventure Journalist Covers the Battle for Manila Bay from the Inside,” 33-42.
- Marren, Joe, “Activism and Indifference: Stephen Crane and the Reportage of His Career,” 43-50.
- Volume 42, No. 2, Summer 2016
- Simpson, Edgar, “‘A Traitor to His Class’: Race and Publisher W.E. ‘Ned’ Chilton III, 1953-1984,” 70-80.
- Moniz, Tracy, “A Woman’s Place Is in the News: Gendering the Gaps in Newspaper Coverage of Women’s Labor in Wartime Canada, 1939-1945,” 81-90.
- Holley, Jason R., “Gifford Pinchot and The Fight for Conservation : The Emergence of Public Relations and the Conservation Movement, 1901-1910,” 91-100.
- Burriss, Larry L., and Cary A. Greenwood, “When Good PR Goes Bad: The Assassination of Joseph Colombo and the Demise of the Italian-American Civil Rights League,” 101-11.
- Volume 42, No. 3, Fall 2016 Gerl, Ellen, “Out of the Back Rooms”: Physician-publicist Virginia Apgar
- Rasmussen, Christopher “Kennedy’s Amerika: The Transcendent Turn in American Propaganda, 1961-1963,” 130-41.
- Mellen, Roger, “Representation of Slaves in the Eighteenth-Century Virginia Press,” 142-52.
- Birkner, Thomas, “Journalism 1914: The Birth of Modern Journalism in Germany a Century Ago,” 153-63.
- Bernhardt, Mark, “What Kind of Parents Are You The Discussion of Expectations for Parents in the Press Coverage of the Lindbergh Kidnapping,” 164-75.
- Volume 42, No. 4, Winter 2017 Liseblad, Madeleine, “‘Clearing a Path for Television News’: The First Extended Newscast at Sacramento’s KCRA,” 182-90.
- Lerner, Kevin M., “A System of Correction: A.M. Rosenthal, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Press Criticism and the Birth of the Contemporary Newspaper Correction in The New York Times,” 191-200.
- Paul, Subin, “‘When India Was Indira’: Indian Express ’s Coverage of the Emergency (1975-77),” 201-11.
- Mellinger, Gwyneth, “Saving the Republic: An Editor’s Crusade against Integration,” 212-24.
- Cassara, Catherine, “‘To the Edge of America’: U.S. Newspaper Coverage of the 1939 Voyage of Jewish Refugees aboard the MS St. Louis,” 225-38.
- Volume 43, No. 1, Spring 2017
- Hatcher, John A., “Journalist and Activist: How the Range Center Came to Chisholm, Minnesota,” 12-20.
- Nichols, Jeff, “Propaganda, Chicago Newspapers, and the Political Economy of Newsprint during the First World War,” 21-31.
Kilmer, Paulette D., “Teresa Howard Dean: A Trickster Wandering Far and Near in Search of Common Wisdom,” 15-23. Teresa Howard Dean was an early master of the rising art of human-interest writing, but her adventurous nature drew her to cover subjects sometimes dangerous and other times very down to earth. She covered the Lakota Sioux shortly after Wounded Knee, for instance, but then wrote about the reactions of ordinary people to the Chicago World’s Fair. Eventually she would become a household name and cover the Spanish-American War, rebellions in Mexico and Cuba, and the Boxer Rebellion in China. This study finds Howard to represent Jung’s trickster and wanderer archetypes, as during Howard’s journeys she sought personal enlightenment but only within the boundaries of contemporaneous middle-class customs and norms.
In the spring of 1890, W.J. Arkell, editor of Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, sent a team of reporters (accompanied by scouts and native guides) to Alaska to explore the nation’s newest territory. The journalists were instructed to write “graphic narratives” of their adventures and produce illustrations “of the strange sights they met” for the readers back home. The often-richly illustrated articles, which were serialized during 1890 and 1891, provide an excellent opportunity to study a phenomenon of the late 1800s: Gilded Age adventure journalism. The reporters constructed uneven narratives that blended first-person adventure journalism, naturalist and ethnographic observations, historical information, and political commentary, while also elaborating on Alaska’s resources. The reporters embraced many commonly held stereotypes of the American West and its inhabitants, while their accounts promoted territorial expansion in the cause of Manifest Destiny. This research argues that Alaska’s “newness” as a territory coupled with its vast spaces and resources led the journalists to construct narratives that included views more commonly expressed in the first half of the century: that Alaska, as a frontier location, was a wild and savage place, a territory that could and should be tamed by individuals of Anglo and European stock for the betterment of the American nation.
For more than forty years, John McCutcheon was America’s “Dean of Political Cartoonists.” His Pulitzer-Prize winning career in satirical art has obscured his early fame as an adventure journalist and one of the first “embedded reporters” in military action. While merely visiting on a new U.S. military cutter during its first test voyage, McCutcheon found himself an “accidental tourist” when the ship was called into action for the Battle of Manila Bay. Using memoirs, McCutcheon’s own accounts, and other papers housed at Chicago’s Newberry Library archives, this account of his early career highlights McCutcheon’s dispatches from Manila, written on battleships and in Army camps, as an important step in the development of war reporting.
From his earliest work as an apprentice reporter working with his elder brother, to his last days sending dispatches from the Greco-Turkish war, Stephen Crane was actively exploring the pitiless stance of “nature” in the face of human trauma and strife. Here, the adventures he sought out—by going “slumming,” going West, and going to war—and his reportage about them are traced forward through his short life, to explicate how his reportorial voice became such a powerful fictional voice. In particular, the reality of his “open boat” experience is contrasted with his three written versions of it, one reportorial and two fictional. Volume 42, No. 2, Summer 2016
This article examines Thomas Jefferson’s views on freedom of the press in connection with the existence of a federal common law of seditious libel, specifically in a Connecticut federal district court case involving Federalist critics of Jefferson who publicly libeled him. It tests the accuracy of Leonard W. Levy’s thesis in Jefferson and Civil Liberties (1963) that for most of his lifetime, Jefferson opposed the notion of complete freedom of the press and refused to recognize the right of habeas corpus in criminal matters. The article finds that, despite his book’s popularity with scholars hostile to Jefferson, Levy’s critique of Jefferson distorted the facts and omitted evidence. With the minor exception of Jefferson’s temporary acquiescence in his political supporters’ prosecution of his Connecticut libelers, the article concludes, Jefferson’s traditional reputation as a defender of total freedom of the press and habeas corpus remains intact.
This study looks historically at the role of the press in the public sphere, using as a case study the evolution of the views of publisher W.E. “Ned” Chilton III on race issues during his career at The Charleston Gazette, West Virginia’s largest newspaper. The study commences during Chilton’s early years at the Gazette just before the Brown v. Board of Education decision and ends a few years before his death in 1987. Chilton, born into privilege, began his career in the family newspaper business as an unquestioning member of the white power structure. However, over time he became extremely vocal in pointing out injustices toward African Americans during the civil rights movement, often using The Gazette’s editorial pages and reporting resources to do so. In examining Chilton’s publishing career through textual analysis, interviews, his personal papers, and published reports of the time, one can see how a single newspaper publisher became the most vocal and possibly the most effective voice for change in West Virginia during the civil rights movement, thus illustrating the dynamic role of even a single press outlet in providing access to information for debate in the public sphere.
Through a comparative content analysis, this article examines coverage of women’s labor—domestic, volunteer and wage—in commercial and alternative newspapers in Canada during the Second World War. While scholars have written on media representations of women during the war, the lack of a systematic, longitudinal analysis of Canadian newspapers creates methodological and knowledge gaps. Using a feminist media studies framework, this article offers empirical evidence to demonstrate that despite the magnitude and significance of women’s wartime labor, the subject received limited news coverage and, moreover, coverage reinforced gendered ideals within and across commercial and labor newspapers. This challenges the idea that either the women’s pages or the alternative labor press offered a “space” for more progressive coverage than the gendered representations traditionally found in the mainstream news and, in the process, this article offers ways of thinking about women’s labor inclusively, but beyond the historical gendered division of labor.
The Fight for Conservation epitomized Gifford Pinchot’s tenure as chief forester and public advocate of resource preservation from 1901 to 1910. Indeed, his efforts to introduce conservation and scientific forestry to the public were effective for departmental expansion, gaining favorable public sentiment, and the accumulation of emerging forests. Pinchot distributed pamphlets, authored various publications, and staged multiple events that included conservation conferences with elected officials, economic elites, and even a steamboat trip with President Theodore Roosevelt down the Mississippi River—publicity techniques similar to the emerging practices of professionalized public relations. As Pinchot’s contributions to conservation are notable, his use of publicity techniques vis-à-vis professional public relations has received insufficient treatment, particularly among the outlets Pinchot sought to engage for public influence (the press). Considering Pinchot’s environmental ideology as expressed in The Fight for Conservation, this analysis draws on historical press accounts to uncover the nuance of Pinchot as forester and press agent.
In the 1970s Mafia boss Joseph Colombo launched a successful public relations campaign to persuade media, industry, and federal and state elected officials to stop using the terms Mafia and La Cosa Nostra. He claimed that the Mafia was a myth and the words discriminated against Italian Americans. Colombo’s campaign used public relations tactics, including publicity, special events, fundraising, media relations, relationship development, and public policy influence. He also raised hundreds of thousands of dollars for his newly created organization, the Italian-American Civil Rights League. Colombo’s efforts came to an abrupt end when he was shot at one of his rallies by an unknown gunman who also was killed. Colombo suffered permanent brain damage, lapsed into a coma, and died in 1978, an apparent victim of his own PR. In failing to consider the wants and needs of one of his key internal publics, other Mafia leaders, he may have contributed to his own murder. Volume 42, No. 3, Fall 2016
Makes Birth Defects a Popular Cause,” 122-29. Physician Virginia Apgar joined the National Foundation for Infantile Paralysis, the forerunner of today’s March of Dimes, in 1959, a pivotal time in the non-profit’s history. When the Salk polio vaccine proved to be effective in 1955, the organization created by Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1938 to eradicate polio struggled to maintain the interest of donors and volunteers. In 1958, executives redirected the foundation’s mission to focus on birth defects and arthritis. Apgar, already well known in medical circles for having created an effective method to assess a newborn’s health, was hired to help manage a $6.1 million research agenda. However, the smart, charismatic physician soon became the organization’s popular spokesperson. This article uses archival records, newspaper accounts, and primary interviews to show how a physician-turned-publicist popularized the cause of birth defects and, in so doing, helped a national organization successfully rebrand itself in the second half of the twentieth century.
This article shows how and explains why the Kennedy administration remade the message of Amerika, the United States Information Agency’s only Russian-language publication during the Cold War. President Kennedy and his USIA director, former CBS broadcaster Edward R. Murrow, jettisoned much of the Eisenhower-era’s materialistic “People’s Capitalism” campaign in favor of an idealistic narrative that celebrated limitless growth, civil rights activism, and personal heroism. They believed that carrying such a message directly to Soviet readers better justified an interventionist foreign policy. Through a close reading of Amerika and internal USIA communications, along with a survey of the relevant literature, this article argues that the Kennedy-era Amerika combined existing intellectual traditions, particularly nineteenth-century transcendentalism, with the mass society critique common in contemporary American journalism to forge a propaganda narrative that was not only more idealistic but also more threatening.
Newly discovered published material from colonial Virginia offers a new perspective on the attitudes toward blacks in that slaveholding colony just prior to the American Revolution. Some lines in verse, discovered by this researcher in an almanac thought not to be extant, and an allegorical essay in a newly found newspaper, offer us an alternative view of attitudes toward slaves in the 1760s. While not abolitionist in character, these printed works—never before analyzed—demonstrate that opinions in this slave-holding society were not, in fact, universal and demonstrate sympathetic attitudes toward slaves earlier than previously noted. The fact that these views appeared in print adds weight to their meaning. The dualism of treating slaves as both property and as lesser human beings and the theory of patriarchalism as justifying this dualism are supported here. This research concludes that the very fact that these writings were published demonstrates that at least some residents understood the practice of slavery to be abhorrent and not all Virginians of this time viewed the slaves as less than human.
The article examines the state of German journalism a hundred years ago, when American journalism was becoming the role model for journalists all over the Western world. It deals with the questions (1) whether German journalists at that time were aware of modern aspects of text formats and writing styles and (2) if the inverted pyramid model of news writing—as a component of objectivity—was well established in German newspapers in 1914. The findings deconstruct the myth of old-fashioned partisan German journalism and underline the universality of American standards such as the ideal of the objectivity norm.
The Lindbergh kidnapping was a media spectacle. In the initial kidnapping reports, newspapers described the Lindberghs in sympathetic terms, as a family torn apart by the scourge of kidnapping that plagued the nation as a result of organized crime’s seemingly unchecked power. Then, after the third day, with the Lindberghs under close scrutiny because of the investigation’s unprecedented coverage due to their celebrity and the intense debate about how to address the nation’s kidnapping problem, politicians, law enforcement officials, public figures, and the papers began publicly critiquing some of the Lindberghs’ actions before, during, and after the night of the kidnapping. The papers served as a forum for assessing whether the Lindberghs should be deemed good parents, and the ensuing debate exposed gender and class tensions resulting from recent social and economic changes that threatened to undermine the parenting standards embraced by the era’s dominant culture. Volume 42, No. 4, Winter 2017
The advent of extended television news was a turning point for television, a medium originally devoted to entertainment. Starting in the 1970s, scholars associated extended news with the first half-hour network newscasts. However, later scholarship has shown extended news was driven by local television stations, not the networks. At least nine local stations introduced a forty-five minute evening newscast well before the network expansion. This article examines in depth the previously virtually ignored first known extended newscast in the nation—KCRA’s Channel 3 Reports—launched in Sacramento, California, on February 20, 1961, at 6 p.m. Channel 3 Reports provided viewers with a one-hour newscast, with forty-five minutes of locally produced content, along with fifteen minutes of delayed electronic feeds containing network news. KCRA’s newscast began two and a half years before the network news expansion. Prominent local newscasts, including KNXT’s The Big News in Los Angeles followed in KCRA’s footsteps.
In 1972, The New York Times adopted the policy of running daily corrections in a fixed part of the paper. The idea of corrections, and a call for increased accountability more generally, had been circulating for a few years. This article examines internal communication from the Times that sheds light on how the paper’s editor, A.M. Rosenthal, made the decision to turn the idea into policy. A number of factors, including an essay by Daniel Patrick Moynihan and prodding by the journalism reviews (MORE) and The Columbia Journalism Review, influenced Rosenthal. Wendy Wyatt’s discursive theory of press criticism and Daniel Hallin’s spheres of consensus, controversy, and deviance inform this article’s discussion of how outside influence works. Coming from the “paper of record,” the Times’s decision to enact the corrections policy had a snowball effect, and within a few years, running a regular corrections box became commonplace among American newspapers.
When Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed censorship in the summer of 1975, few newspapers tried to withstand the attack on press freedom. This historical study used framing theory to examine how Indian Express constructed its position against the Gandhi regime during the twenty-one-month National Emergency. The qualitative content analysis of the Indian Express’s coverage demonstrated its struggle to frame the Emergency as authoritarian. More broadly, the analysis provided a way to understand how journalism functions under censorship.
The journalism of Thomas Waring Jr., editor of The News and Courier in Charleston, South Carolina, opens a window into the interrelationship of segregationist fears of integration and communism in the South of the late 1950s. This study explores Waring’s campaign, in both editorials and news reporting, against the pro-integration Highlander Folk School and, by association, the faculty of his alma mater, the University of the South. Owing to his unrelenting defense of a segregationist conception of white democracy, Waring himself became the focus of controversy in 1961, when the University of the South awarded him an honorary doctorate.
The tale of 1939 voyage of the MS St. Louis has been retold in books, films, exhibits, and on the web. While researchers looking at U.S. newspaper coverage of the Holocaust have generally viewed its components as discrete pieces of evidence rather than as parts of a larger whole, this study reviewed coverage of the voyage in situ in the pages of thirty-nine newspapers from twenty-five American cities. The findings of the qualitative content analysis sorted those papers into four groups, based on how much coverage they gave the story and whether they supplemented wire copy with staff reporting, photographs, editorials, or cartoons. Neither a paper’s geographic proximity to the story nor the size of its city’s Jewish population appears to have been a good explanation of its coverage choices. Important distinctions were also found in how reporters, news services, and, thus, newspapers, told the refugee passengers’ story. Volume 43, No. 1, Spring 2017
Any study of FBI public relations is incomplete without a review of Director J. Edgar Hoover’s handwritten comments on memoranda, known within the Bureau as “blue gems.” The director ruled the FBI’s strictly hierarchical bureaucracy largely through those comments on documents that crossed his desk and then flowed back the bureaucracy carrying his orders. For this study, more than five hundred of Hoover’s blue gems on topics related to public relations were reviewed and sorted into categories based on the work of organizational communication scholars Daniel Katz and Robert L. Kahn. Hoover’s blue gems provide a window into his minute-to-minute thought process. They are a record of the director’s efforts to influence policy on public relations and of his managers’ efforts to adhere to Hoover’s ideological statements, explanatory notes, and task-specific directives.
The study explores how one community newspaper publisher in the mid-twentieth century attempted to serve the seemingly competing roles of journalist and community activist. This narrative recounts how Minnesota newspaper publisher Veda Ponikvar formed a unique alliance with a congressman, John A. Blatnik, to bring a center for the developmentally disabled to their hometown of Chisholm, Minnesota. Ponikvar and Blatnik rallied support at the local, state, and national levels for the construction of what was touted as one of the first day treatment centers for children with developmental disabilities in the state. The study offers insight into the challenges Ponikvar faced as she tried to balance her obligations as a journalist with her goals as an activist for the developmentally disabled.
Between April 1917 and November 1918, more than 7 percent of the country’s publications stopped production. The vast majority closed not because of government harassment, but rather the combination of soaring newsprint costs and shrinking advertising accounts. In Chicago, a focal point in the federal war against dissent, newspaper publishers neither feared nor respected Committee on Public Information Chairman George Creel. They were, however, deeply concerned by severe shortages in newsprint and government regulation of paper. Under pressure to make drastic cuts in their consumption of newsprint and to surrender their pages to publicity from multiple governmental propaganda offices, Chicago editors vied to demonstrate their utility to the wartime state. As the war progressed, so did the intensity of anti-German messages in Chicago newspapers.
In the Spring 2015 issue of Journalism History, Roger P. Mellen advanced the argument that John Wilkes, an eighteenth-century English politician and journalist, made a significant contribution to the development of freedom of the press as a constitutional right in the United States because of his ongoing, public challenge to England’s law of seditious libel. However, it is doubtful that the trials and tribulations of Wilkes in England resulted in the inclusion of the free press clause in the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution as Wilkes never directly challenged England’s seditious libel law. While attorneys sympathetic to the Wilkite cause launched legal challenges against the limited role allowed to juries in seditious libel prosecutions, Wilkes never publicly made this his cause. Moreover, efforts to reform the law of seditious libel in England failed to yield tangible results until Fox’s Libel Act of 1792. That statute, which permitted juries to render a general verdict and determine whether all of the elements of a seditious libel charge had been proved by the prosecution, did not abolish the law of seditious libel in England. For the next thirty years, seditious libel prosecutions were used by the government when deemed necessary to maintain order. The Wilkite movement did, however, confirm the view of the colonists in America that a free press could operate as an effective check on the power of government. Further, the activities of the press in England mirrored and thus reinforced the colonial experience that a free press could serve as a conduit for active participation in political debate and as a forum to articulate legitimate grievances concerning what the colonists believed were the excesses of British imperial governance.
Samuel T. Ragan, along with other leaders in professional press organizations, crusaded to protect press freedom and citizens’ rights to access criminal justice information in the 1960s. The editors portrayed the 1964 President’s Commission on the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy report as kindling for an age-old debate over free press and fair trial rights. The U.S. Supreme Court’s 1966 Sheppard v. Maxwell ruling further fueled that debate by indicating that press coverage could undermine criminal defendants’ fair trial rights. Between 1964 and 1968, Ragan and his colleagues attempted to present press freedom as a means to protect citizens’ rights to receive fair trials and to receive information about government activities. Those editors presented press freedom as a fundamental means to keep government actors from abusing their power and a fundamental means to preserve citizens’ abilities to be informed in a democracy. Download 482.26 Kb. Share with your friends:
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