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- Management is essential to maintain ocean resiliency
- We have a responsibility to properly manage ocean resources to reform current policies
- A2: Neoliberalism - perms
A2: ManagerialismOcean management is essential to planetary healthNorman Y. Mineta, January ‘14, Co-Chair, Joint Ocean Commission Initiative and Former U.S. Secretary of Commerce, Transportation, “Review of: Time to Chart a New Course For the Health of Our Oceans,” Sea & Technology, http://www.sea-technology.com/ features/2014/0114/7_Mineta.php, Accessed 4/25/2014 From providing food for millions of Americans, to transporting goods, to being a source of clean energy, our oceans and coasts will always be integral to our country’s economic stability and growth, as well as to the ecological health of the planet. If we are to ensure the long-term sustainable use of our oceans, we must manage them carefully through strong science and sound policies. The continued health and productivity of our oceans is important to everyone. We encourage you to become engaged at the national, regional and state levels to be part of ensuring that our oceans continue to be productive and beneficial to all. Management is essential to maintain ocean resiliencyRobin Kundis Craig, May 18,’12, S.J. Quinney College of Law, University of Utah, “Marine Biodiversity, Climate Change, and Governance of the Oceans,” Diversity 2012, 4(2), 224-238 As the world copes with the climate change era, improved marine governance will be of ever-increasing importance if we are to maintain anything approaching broad and resilient marine biodiversity in the face of pervasive ecological, chemical, and physical changes to the ocean’s environments. Notably, there is already evidence of the ocean’s resilience, because “in enough cases to encourage conservation, the Census of Marine Life documented the recovery of some species” (p. 4). Without improved governance, however, such recoveries are increasingly unlikely, particularly if climate change impacts continue to intensify. This Article first examines the existing and climate change threats to marine biodiversity, then recommends three improvements to ocean governance in areas of national jurisdiction—under international law, the 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) that individual nations can unilaterally regulate, as opposed to the high seas, where international treaties are required—that could help preserve marine biodiversity through the climate change era. We have a responsibility to properly manage ocean resources to reform current policiesNorman Y. Mineta, January ‘14, Co-Chair, Joint Ocean Commission Initiative and Former U.S. Secretary of Commerce, Transportation, “Review of: Time to Chart a New Course For the Health of Our Oceans,” Sea & Technology, http://www.sea-technology.com/ features/2014/0114/ 7_Mineta.php, Accessed 4/25/2014 We are an ocean nation, and it is our responsibility to ensure proper management of our ocean resources. The health of our oceans and coasts is inextricably linked to the health of our economy—whether through tourism, fishing, energy development, storm protection or transportation—as well as the quality of life for millions of coastal residents. However, expanding uses of our oceans and along our coasts, coupled with changing conditions of our climate, are putting more pressure on the oceans than ever before. Unfortunately, these pressures jeopardize the ability of our oceans and coasts to continue to provide the goods and services Americans need and enjoy. A2: Neoliberalism - permsCan’t totalize neoliberalism – there can be sustainable projects within neoliberalism.Mckendry 08 Corina McKendry, Department of Politics, University of California, Santa Cruz. “Competing for Green: Neoliberalism and the rise of sustainable cities”. 3/26/2008. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 49th ANNUAL CONVENTION, BRIDGING MULTIPLE DIVIDES. http://www.keele.ac.uk/research/lpj/ecprsumschool/Papers/corinamckendry.pdf One of the weaknesses in much of the scholarship on neoliberalism is to see neoliberalism as not only ubiquitous, but also monolithic. In critiquing neoliberalism’s very real and problematic implications for social justice, distribution of resources and wealth, democracy, etc. many scholars implicitly reject all policies tainted with neoliberalism’s dirty fingers. Unfortunately, this can lead to an unsatisfactory analysis of politics and policies that, though they are operating within the constraints of a neoliberal framework, may have important benefits to people or the planet. In this essay I have attempted to offer a more nuanced understanding of the importance of neoliberalism, especially in its relationship to environmental policy in the United States. In particular, I have argued that the changes in environmental policy and discourse that have accompanied neoliberalism have encouraged the rise and rapid proliferation of urban sustainability initiatives. These policies are important and have the potential to transform the relationship of the city to the natural world and reduce the ecological footprint of major urban areas. However, because these policies have been formulated within the context of neoliberalism, they are constrained by limitations of the market-oriented, urban entrepreneurial policy alternatives that are acceptable within the neoliberal global economy. As such the questions of social justice and equity that neoliberalism fails to answer remain equally problematic within green urban entrepreneurialism. Furthermore, though urban sustainability projects in the United States are in many ways manifestations of “actually existing neoliberalism,” there is reason to believe that other factors also have an important influence on how and why cities embrace sustainability. Social movement pressure, growing public concern for environmental issues, and a genuine commitment by local officials to reduce their city’s environmental impact must also be considered. As Raco argues in his examination of British New Labour’s 2003 Sustainable Communities proposal and its implementation, urban sustainability programs are “not simply a neoliberal agenda that has been played out in a particular way. [They are] constituted from a number of rationalities, some of which can be defined as neoliberal, some of which are drawn from other intellectual, political, and ethical traditions.” In other words, sustainability projects may be hybrids of neoliberal urban entrepreneurialism, progressive attempts to tame the destructive tendencies of capitalist production and consumption, responses to calls for environmental justice, and part of a growing transmunicipal social movement to address pressing global issues. The extent to which any one of these is the predominant driving force in a city’s adoption of sustainability needs to be determined empirically, with an eye both to the constraints created by neoliberal globalization and the ways that social actors maintain agency within the framework of neoliberalism to shape their social and ecological surroundings. THE PLAN IS AN IMPOSSIBLE DEMAND THAT SHATTERS THE ALTERNATIVE PROBLEMATIQUE: THE COMBINATION OF THE PLAN AND ALTERNATIVE FUNCTIONA AS THE OPTIMAL ACT OF RESISTANCE. THE MERE PROPOSAL AND DEBATE ABOUT THE PLAN CAN CREATE CLASS AWARENESS WITHIN THE SYSTEM—SOLVES ALL THEIR OFFENSEErinc Yeldan, May 10, ‘7, prof. of economics at Bilkent University, “More Scholarly Debate Please,” http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/4221, Foreign Policy In Focus, ACC. 7-18-11, JT The question of the “alternative” is a tricky and difficult concept, both in terms of realism and in terms of the very concept itself. On the one hand, just being critical of the neoliberal globalization agenda does not suffice often in embracing masses of people. One is often confronted with the statements that “well, globalization is unavoidable” and “in order to benefit from this process you have to follow the list of requirements.” Thus, I believe that the quest for alternatives comes to this juncture: to argue that globalization is not a unique trajectory, that there are alternative globalization paths as well. That, the alleged unavoidability of globalization itself does not necessarily call for following the unique set of policy requirements set by the neoliberal agenda. But then the other side of the alternative problematique emerges: “should the quest for alternatives be limited by the constraints of the system, or are we supposed to first and foremost indicate that no viable alternatives are possible that can improve the well being of the working masses under capitalist exploitation?” Consequently a dilemma emerges. Should we try to offer “realistic” and “applicable” alternative policies within the capitalist system? Or should we argue that capitalism cannot be remedied or that, even if it could, this is not the task of progressives around the world since we should only prepare for the revolution and life after capitalism instead. I am of the opinion that casting the “alternatives” issue in these terms is a trap to be avoided. I suggest that the quest for alternatives should be pursued at both levels, that is, we need to specify defensive policies to remedy the working conditions of the laboring masses within a capitalist system not to achieve desired ends per se, but to invoke the arguments as a demonstration that alternatives do exist and yet cannot be implemented because they conflict with the interest of the ruling classes. Thus, the strategy here is to create class awareness within the capitalist system. Then at a further level of strategy, we can make our case for life after capitalism, that is, socialism. Directory: file -> view view -> Western Europe after wwii view -> Author study: paul fleischman view -> Qpa1 7ela study Guide view -> Arctic Oil/Gas Neg view -> November 1970 Approximately 150,000-500,000 deaths Bhola Cyclone Bangladesh view -> Grade Level: 6 Unit of Study: Caribbean glce view -> Citation: Duffield, Katy view -> Table of Contents Lesson # view -> Chinese Wind Energy Disad Download 0.89 Mb. Share with your friends:
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