Relations impacts and cp’s


US-Turkey relations good: Eu / Greece



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US-Turkey relations good: Eu / Greece




The collapse of Lebanon will produce new security threats and terrorism with WMDs


Nedzi, 06 [Lucien, former member of Congress who served from 1961 to 1981 and a member of the editorial advisory board of Mediterranean Quarterly. His service in the US House of Representatives included membership in the Armed Services Committee and the chairmanship of the first Select Committee on Intelligence, Mediterranean Quarterly 17:4 DOI 10.1215/10474552-2006-021, “Lebanon’s Contemporary Significance” http://mq.dukejournals.org/cgi/reprint/17/4/1.pdf]
Like Iraq, Lebanon has contemporary significance for the continuing US war on terror. Virulent nationalisms exploiting ethnoreligious divisions have been a feature of Lebanese politics for more than twenty years, and this continues to be a significant problem for broader international security today. The introduction of advanced military technologies by nonstate as well as nation-state actors in the Middle East has been apparent in the clash between Israel and Hezbollah in the current crisis. Difficulties in the economic development of resource-poor Lebanon in the wake of one major domestic crisis in the 1970s and 1980s but now also in a second in 2006 stem from a globalization that has, in some respects, reduced the attractiveness of this unstable country as a major entrepot in trade and finance. And finally, in its civic trauma the psychological profile of Lebanon’s citizenry may have changed from ambitious commercialism to confused identity, a despondency that had seemed overtaken by hopes of new beginnings for some enjoying the pleasures of Hariri’s Paris of the East. Yet never far beneath the surface were the scars of wounds suffered in civil war during the 1970s and 1980s, wounds now reopened by the “shock and awe” violence of a new collision between Israel and Hezbollah in 2006. Lebanon, along with the former Yugoslavia, gives us a picture of what can happen to proud nation-states that collapse under the powerful weight of modern nonstate actors mightily armed to spread terror and dislocation. It was once thought that the destiny of nation-states was to be found in transnational communities such as the European Union that would free the world of national rivalry and war. But Lebanon gives us another glimpse of the future where fragmentation brings chaos and misery, a Hobbesian outlook that truly rivals a Kantian one. In the Beirut scenario, militia leaders replace the statesmen [sic] of Brussels at the center of the world stage.


Ext. US-Turkey solves Turkey-Greece relations



History proves US-Turkey relations improves Turkey-Greek relations

Ismael 2003 (Tareq Y., professor of political science at the University of Calgary editor of the International Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies, Turkey's Foreign Policy in the 21st Century: A Changing Role in World Politics, "Turkey and the United States," Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2003, p. 33)

On the other hand, during most of the 1990s, the US-Turkish bilateral relationship continued to be adversely affected by Greek-Turkish disputes over the Aegean and the Cyrus problem. As was the case during the Cold War, Greece and Turkey viewed each other as a potential threat to their national security. Efforts by Washington tot mediate between its two allies often led to criticism from both Athens and Ankara. Nevertheless, the US intervention in the Imea/Kardak crisis in 1995 played a major role in averting an armed clash between the two countries and the Greek-Turkish rapprochement following the deadly earthquakes that hit both countries in 1999 has lowered the tensions in the Aegean and led to a new phase in the troubled relationship between the two countries. The US has welcomed the improved relations between Greece and Turkey. Progress towards better Greek-Turkish relations would likely remove a major irritant in US-Turkish alliance. However, there was no similar breakthrough regarding the protracted Cyprus problem despite the efforts of both the US and the UN to facilitate a negotiated settlement to the dispute. In general, the US position on Cyprus has been closer to that of the Greek Cypriot administration. Indeed, this, and Washington's efforts to influence Turkey's Cyprus policy, has created tensions in the bilateral relations for the past three decades. The prospective entry of Cyprus into the EU and Turkey's opposition to this development is likely to further increase these tensions.



Ext. Turkish EU membership good



Turkey's EU membership key to stability

Oguzlu 2004 (H. Tarik, Assistant Professor of International Relations Bilkent University Faculty of Economics, "Changing Dynamics of Turkey's U.S. and EU Relations", Middle East Policy, 2004, Middle East Policy Council, p. 104-105)
If the Turkish political and state elites seriously want Turkey to feel secure in the years ahead, particularly from threats outside of the Middle East and from the dynamics of bilateral relations with the United States and the European Union, they should explore how to conceptualize Turkey's security threats and how to cope with them. Being aware of the close relationship between foreign and domestic developments, they should soon come to a collective understanding that Turkey will no longer be able to define its security on the basis of state sovereignty and territorial integrity. If societal needs are not met, the state as an entity will always be exposed to challenges from various domestic groups, be they Kurds or political Islamists. The ongoing accession process with the EU would contribute to Turkey's sense of security through the transformation of Turkey's structural conditions in line with the European Union. A Turkey that has finally reached satisfying state-society relations and become more Europeanized through the EU accession process will become more able to stand as a significant country in its region, with a recognized ability to determine the dynamics of regional politics. If Turkey oscillates between becoming more Europeanized and turning inward, not only will its ability to stand up to European and American demands gradually wane but Turkey will not be able to develop healthy cooperative relations with the United States. Turkey will preserve its influential position in the region only if the Turkish elite both successfully restructures Turkey's state-society relations along European models and cooperates with, rather than challenges, the United States. The worst outcome for Turkey would be for its prospects for EU membership to falter because of its domestic performance in the EU-oriented reformation process, while the quality of US-Turkey strategic relations also declined. In such a case, Turkey's marginalization in the region would likely increase and the internal political arena would be dominated by continuous struggle between the EU-oriented JDP and the nationalist-secularist establishment. Under such conditions, Turkey might fall into internal chaos, its hopes for development and Europeanization seriously dashed.



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