States cp ddi 2012


USFG is key to solving current transportation issues – urban renewal, disaster relief, social equity, and security



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USFG is key to solving current transportation issues – urban renewal, disaster relief, social equity, and security.


Bruce D. McDowell, President of the Intergovernmental Management Associates, and Sheldon Edner, Director of the Center for Federal Management Leadership, 2002, Publius (2002) 32 (1): pg. 1, ‘Introdcution: Federalism and Surface Transportation’, Oxford Journals, TB
Against this real-world backdrop, federal legislation requires cooperation and coordination. This is a good and necessary policy. Ports and airports need good access to surface transportation if their goods and passengers are to continue trips without interruption. Highways, transit, bicycle and pedestrian facilities, commuter railroads, and ferries must fit together as part of a transportation network if they are to unlock commuter congestion. At the same time, air quality, noise, and numerous other quality-of-life considerations must be addressed. Serving the public, ensuring equity among diverse groups, and improving transportation safety are key goals. ¶ The Federal government's interest in transportation stems from multiple sources, principally including interstate commerce and military preparedness. State and local interests are produced much more directly by traditional geographic responsibilities for providing services. The resulting patchwork of ownership and funding for the physical system is complicated and complex. ¶ But getting cooperation and coordination to occur can be hard and frustrating work. American federalism has been evolving shared responsibilities for transportation facilities and services for more than 100 years. Over this period, the federal role has shifted from facilitating farm to-market commerce, to connecting all the nation's metropolitan areas to each other, to solving urban mobility and congestion problems, and to promoting global competitiveness. Along the historical path of nationbuilding there have been doses of military preparedness, urban renewal, disaster relief, social equity, and, most recently, homeland security. As the Canadian comparison in this symposium illustrates, however, this path is by no means the only one the United States could have taken. It reflects, instead, the uniquely American experiment in governing.
Only federal leadership can solve freeriding and inter-state disputes.

Rico Maggi, Socioeconomic Institute, University of Zurich, ’92, Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice, “SWISS TRANSPORT POLICY FOR EUROPE?


FEDERALISM AND THE DOMINANCE OF LOCAL ISSUES”

Switzerland will not be a member of the EC in¶ the near future. Nonetheless, because of its central¶ location in Europe, Swiss transport policy decisions¶ are relevant for the European transport infrastructure¶ network.1 The way in which the European perspective¶ enters Swiss decisions on transport policy¶ depends on the institutional arrangements of direct¶ democracy in Switzerland. As a function of federalist¶ elements in the direct democratic instruments (initiative,¶ referendum) in Switzerland, all policy issues¶ are treated to some degree as if they were local public¶ goods. In a federalist context, however, transport¶ projects are evaluated according to the spatial distribution¶ of their local impacts in terms of costs and¶ benefits. In the case of transport policy projects with¶ large scale spatial impacts, the ensuing spatial externalities¶ will incite the regions (cantons) to take a free¶ rider position. As a consequence of this "relevance¶ of local issues," the transport infrastructure supply¶ can be suboptimal for a nation like Switzerland-or,¶ in analogy, for Europe as a whole.¶ ]In an earlier paper (Maggi, 1990), the author applied¶ the model presented here on three transport related referenda¶ in Switzerland. Two of these (on a heavy vehicle levy¶ and on a motorway user charge) are also included in the¶ present paper and, in addition, three votes on motorway¶ trunks in 1990. While the former paper discussed the situation¶ in Switzerland as through-traffic country in a European¶ context in a more general way, the present study concentrates¶ on the question whether or not local issues¶ dominate in the five road transport referenda under consideration.¶ It is concluded that to solve these problems, the¶ decisions on large-scale transport policy projects¶ must either be taken on a national (or even European)¶ level-a solution that seems unfeasible in the¶ case of Switzerland and the EC-or the regions supplying¶ the transport infrastructure must be compensated¶ for their contribution to the national or international¶ integration.




Fed key

National authority is key to foreign relations.


Curtis A. Bradley, Professor of Law and Hunton & Williams Research Professor, University of Virginia School of Law, 2002, Berkley Journal of International Law, “World War II Compensation and Foreign Relations Federalism”, http://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2098&context=faculty_scholarship&sei-redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar%3Fas_ylo%3D2000%26as_yhi%3D2015%26q%3Dfederalism%2BAND%2Bwar%26hl%3Den%26as_sdt%3D0%252C30#search=%22federalism%20war%22,

Many foreign affairs scholars believe that federalism is, or at least should be, irrelevant to foreign affairs.4 Under this view, the nation must speak with one voice, not fifty voices, if it is to operate effectively in the international realm. In addition, if individual states are allowed to engage in foreign affairs activities, the argument goes, they will be in a position to impose harmful externalities on the entire nation—for example, by triggering retaliatory sanctions against the United States. For these reasons, as Professor Louis Henkin con-tends in his influential book on foreign affairs law, "Foreign relations are na-tional relations."5 This is the view I am calling "one voice nationalism." Proponents of one voice nationalism often rely on broad statements made during the Founding period.° The constitutional Founders generally agreed that, during the Articles of Confederation period, the national government had not been given sufficient power to conduct foreign relations? The Founders thus often referred to the need for more national control in this area. In defending the constitutional grants of foreign affairs powers to the national government, James Madison stated in The Federalist that, "if we are to be one nation in any respect, it clearly ought to be in respect to other nations."8 Similarly, in defending cer-tain grants of federal court Jurisdiction over foreign affairs matters, Alexander Hamilton stated that "the peace of the WHOLE ought not to be left at the dispo-sal of a PART."8 These statements are often quoted out of context to suggest that the Constitution disallows the states from doing anything that might affect foreign relations. Supporters of one voice nationalism also typically rely on broad Supreme Court dicta from decisions during the late nineteenth century and the early to mid-twentieth centuryi° They rely on the Court's statement in the 1889 Chi-nese Exclusion Case that, "For local interests the several States of the Union exist, but for national purposes, embracing our relations with foreign nations, we are but one people. one nation, one power."11 And they quote United States v. Belmont, decided in 1942, for the proposition that, "in respect of our foreign relations generally, state lines disappear. As to such purpose . . the State does not exist."12 Professor Henkin, for example, ties this quotation from Belmont to the broad statements from the Founding, stating that, "At the end of the twenti-eth century as at the end of the eighteenth, as regards U.S. foreign relations, the states 'do not exist.-13





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