All their disads are non-unique – a Privatization’s inevitable internationally



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1ac – regional econ – California


California economy is on the brink—that would collapse the national economy

Roth, 3/19—First Green Business Coach for Entrepreneur.com. Founder of EARTH 2017, a website posting economic analysis on disruptive trends impacting communities and businesses. President of NCCT, a consulting company that coaches CEOs and business owners (Bill, 3/19/15, "Climate Change Puts California Economy at Risk of Collapse", TriplePundit, www.triplepundit.com/2015/03/climate-change-threatens-california-economic-collapse/)//twemchen

California faces one more year of water supply. The state is in the grip of a record drought tied to climate change. This water crisis holds the potential to collapse California’s economy if the state truly runs out of water. What an irony that the state most focused on global warming may be its first catastrophic economic collapse victim. California anchors U.S. economy This is not an article about California. It is about you, in whatever state you live. California’s economy is so large and impacts so many other businesses that its potential collapse due to a water crisis will impact the pocketbooks of most Americans. California has a $2.2 trillion annual economy. That makes California the seventh largest economy in the world. For all the greatness of Texas, the California economy is approximately twice the size. California’s companies are the world’s technology leaders. Google, Apple, Facebook, Twitter, Cisco, Disney, Hewlett Packard, Tesla and Solar City all have their corporate headquarters in California. Little know Atomic General located in San Diego is a world leader in military drones. San Francisco and San Diego rank No. 1 and No. 3 among the top 10 biopharma clusters in the U.S. California is also a global breadbasket: It is the world’s fifth largest supplier of food. The California agriculture industry is highly efficient, and the state is the largest food producer in the U.S., with only four percent of U.S. farms. California’s crop diversity is world class, with the state growing over 450 different crops. Crops exclusively grown by California in the U.S. include almonds, artichokes, dates, olives, raisins, pistachios and clover. The state also produces more than 86 percent of all lemons and 94 percent of all processed tomatoes in the U.S. You might want to drink to California’s agricultural success by having a glass of California wine, as the state is the world’s fourth largest wine producer. Whether you are a Democrat or Republican, the state anchors your government spending plan as California is the largest federal tax payer among U.S. states. The state also pays more in federal taxes than it receives in federal spending. Climate change driving California’s drought Research by Stanford University points to climate change as a key driver in California’s historic drought level. It is not a question of whether California has ever before had droughts. The question of this research was how climate change impacts the severity of weather events like droughts. The findings were that “… extreme atmospheric high pressure in this region – which is strongly linked to unusually low precipitation in California – is much more likely to occur today than prior to the human emission of greenhouse gases that began during the Industrial Revolution in the 1800s.” This research can be yet another climate change deniers’ example of science getting in the way of their personal beliefs or economic incentives, except this time the consequences of denial will impact Americans who eat tomato-based products, use a lemon or search Google. Rationing means that people and businesses will have to reduce their economic activities due to a lack of water. One obvious impact will be a lack of water to serve the approximately 227 million domestic person trips annually to California that generates over $100 billion in visitor spending. It has the potential to impact the operations of California’s tech companies that the rest of the U.S., and the world, depend on to run their economies. It will certainly mean less food sourced from California with higher prices at grocery stores across America. The cost of climate change denial California is unfortunately positioned to become the first case study on the cost of climate change denial. If California’s water crisis reduces its economic activity by 20 percent, that would equate to a $500 billion decline in our nation’s gross domestic production. This scale of economic decline would represent significant national job loss. It would represent significant food inflation from lost production. It would increase the national deficit from lost tax revenues from California. It would circumvent all the work by the Federal Reserve, Congress and the president to restore economic growth following the Great Recession. My guess is that California will address this crisis through technology. Over the long term, the state will accelerate its adoption of zero net buildings. Creating economies of scale through state-wide adoption will drive the cost of smart water technology to affordability. New companies will be born, and California will become a global supplier of smart water technologies. But that is the future, after much economic pain tied to the consequences of climate change. The storm cloud on the immediate horizon is the potential first national economic crisis tied to global warming. The forecast is for a very hot political season over whether our country can deny climate change any longer.
Privatization uniquely solves California airports—our internal link outweighs on timeframe—infrastructure is crucial before 2017

CAPA, 14—Centre for Aviation (10/21/14, "PPPs could reinvigorate US airport privatisation", centreforaviation.com/analysis/ppps-could-reinvigorate-us-airport-privatisation-191920)//twemchen

According to Airports Council North America (ACI-NA), which completed a Capital Needs Survey last year, US airports need to complete USD71.3 billion worth of essential infrastructure projects before 2017. Just over half of this investment is to keep pace with demand and facilitate an increase in the utilisation of larger aircraft; the remaining funds are required for the rehabilitation, maintenance and repair of existing infrastructure. And that is before the addition of new runways and terminals and before the country even thinks about building any new airports of significance (there hasn’t been one since 1995). But with the government still strapped for cash, where is the money coming from? Privatisation of the airports system has still not caught on in almost 20 years, but the public-private-partnership (PPP) could be the answer - as it has been in other parts of the world. CAPA last covered US airports and their privatisation in t he report "Finance and Privatisation Review of 2013" in Dec-2013. See http://centreforaviation.com/analysis/airport-finance-and-privatisation-capas-review-of-the-year-2013---part-1-143540 for the full report. Since 1997 there have been just two privatisations under the Pilot Programme that was introduced in the previous year In it, we asked if airport privatisation in the US had finally run out of steam, pointing to the second attempt to lease out Chicago’s Midway airport collapsing, four years after the first. Since 1997 there have been just two privatisations under the Pilot Programme that was introduced in the previous year, despite the number of ‘slots’ for that procedure having risen from six to ten. One of them, New York State’s Stewart International Airport at Newburgh, New York State was returned to the public sector where, incidentally, it has still not made the breakthrough that the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey might have hoped for, despite considerable marketing efforts by PANYNJ. A recent change in strategy by PANYNJ has placed more emphasis on establishing a regional cargo hub there, which should relieve JFK of most cargo shipping facilities and create room to expand potential amenities and services for JFK. The other one, the Luis Munoz Marin Airport at San Juan, Puerto Rico, was leased to Aerostar Holdings (Highstar Capital and Mexico’s ASUR) in Feb-2013 on a 40-year lease for an up-front payment of USD615 million together with a commitment to invest USD1.4 billion in the airport over the term of the lease. Large hubs show no sign of pitching in for a privatisation slot But the big one was Midway. Following the release of a demanding Request for Proposals (RfP) in 2012 a procedure reduced the number of bidders to two consortiums: Great Lakes Alliance (Ferrovial/Macquarie) and IFM (an Australia fund) with Manchester Airports Group. But when IFM/MAG pulled out, citing valuation reasons, Chicago Mayor Emmanuel, who never exactly fell in love with the notion of privatising that facility, decided the negotiations could no longer continue. The Federal Aviation Authority (FAA) had put Mayor Emmanuel under intense pressure to fill the slot or relinquish it, so that any of the other 28 designated ‘large hubs’ across the US could have a go instead. But those hubs, which include the likes of Atlanta, Baltimore-Washington, Boston, Washington Dulles and Ronald Reagan, New York JFK and La Guardia, Los Angeles LAX, Minneapolis/St. Paul, and Philadelphia (as well as Chicago O’Hare!) show no sign of pitching in for the slot even though at least six of them have loosely investigated the concept of becoming “privatised” in the past. To put it mildly, the political will is still lacking in the US despite a definable trend towards ‘reinventing government’ there and what it should and shouldn’t do, seeking to replace monopoly government agencies with the competitive forces of the private sector, which has been around since the early 1990s. But lack of political will is merely one of several well worn reasons why the US continues to retain the status quo where airport financing is concerned, the others being: The historic pattern of public ownership of airports; Availability of FAA grants for capital expenditure (albeit declining); Requirement on privatised airports to repay those grants under some circumstances; Access to tax-exempt municipal bond financing; Ongoing issues pertaining to the diversion of airport revenues to private entities and their misuse some will calculate how much cash they might generate to shore up their ailing pension funds via a long-term lease of their airport However, while that political will may still be lacking, such are the massive unfunded pension liabilities of many US cities that it is certain some will calculate how much cash they might generate to shore up their ailing pension funds via a long-term lease of their airport. There are a number of examples around the US momentarily where the private sector is taking an active part in proceedings or may do, but they are almost exclusively small secondary and tertiary level airports rather than the ‘big hubs.’ Ironically, despite the Midway flop, two of them are in or around Chicago. They include Paulding, Georgia, situated 38 miles (61km) northwest of Atlanta. Propeller Investments (New York) wants to turn the airport into a reliever for Atlanta Hartsfield, which is approaching 100 mppa, focusing on the low cost segment. Opposed by City of Atlanta and Delta Airlines, the principal incumbent at Hartsfield. Propeller Investments has vague plans to replicate the model elsewhere. Similar to a scheme also concocted by Propeller Investments to convert Briscoe Field Airport, also close to Atlanta, for a similar purpose, which was rejected in Jun-2012 and immediately withdrawn. Ongoing. That sums up the level of privatisation activity in the US airport business at present. Other deals have collapsed or have been shelved during the last few years including New Orleans Louis Armstrong International Airport (which would have counted as a ‘hub’ airport), where the city fathers had a change of heart and concluded that “now isn’t the time” in Oct-2010. It seems it still isn’t. (An application lodged by New Orleans’ Lakefront Airport was terminated in 2008). Also the Toledo Express airport in Ohio, where inertia (on this occasion on the part of the Toledo-Lucas County Port Authority), the potential loss of the associated military base, and the realisation that privatisation would have implications for the FAA funding previously received led the appropriate politicians to end negotiations with private parties in Apr-2014. Meanwhile a scheme to attract the private sector to the envisaged expansion of Austin Airport in Texas is on hold as is one at St Louis Lambert Airport. PPPs have cost over-runs of less than one seventh of traditionally procured projects Amongst this gloom and doom though, the fact that all of the deals in the table above will, might, or could have had an element of the PPP in them will prompt proponents of US airport privatisation to take heart. The PPP is popular in some parts of the world (notably so right now in India and Indonesia) and could be attractive to both cash-strapped municipalities and investors in North America. It can be constructed as a form of lease deal, which is required under the privatisation programme in the US: commercial scheduled airports there cannot be sold off outright. So what is so popular about PPPs insofar as they can be applied to airport expansion? According to a report from McKinsey, published in May-2014, for starters PPPs have cost overruns less than one-seventh that of traditionally procured projects, on average. For institutional investors green field infrastructure projects are ripe with opportunity. By structuring them as PPPs both parties have a better chance of meeting their individual goals. Global all-sector infrastructure funding gap touching USD57 trillion The McKinsey report on PPPs, authored by two partners at infrastructure investor Meridiam, estimates the global infrastructure funding gap across all sectors to be in the order of USD57 trillion, a figure with which the World Bank concurs. Given the lifelong span of many infrastructure assets – anything from 15 to 100 years – there is an argument that the fast growing savings managed by institutional investors – estimated at over USD75 trillion in 2011 by the OECD – must play a central role in filling that gap, and in particular dedicated pure infrastructure financial products such as unlisted equity investment in infrastructure and infrastructure project debt (as opposed to the likes of government bonds, infrastructure-related corporate equity and debt products). But these products so far amount to only 5% of institutional investors’ asset allocation, rising to 10% for the large Canadian and Australian pension funds. Green field infrastructure, or ‘new infrastructure’ as it is also known, which is developed as PPPs, is gaining speed though it remains a limited share of total infrastructure investment. It is more common in the UK but is gaining ground in mature economies such as the US, while it is expected to play a major role in tackling infrastructure challenges in fast-growing economies such as are found dotted around Africa. (See the related report: http://centreforaviation.com/analysis/airport-investment-in-africa---overlooked-by-airport-and-other-infrastructure-investors-181092). The report goes on to argue that green field infrastructure is attractive to institutional investors because: Traditional infrastructure market players such as governments and utilities are under financial pressure and their budgets are constrained (that is certainly the case in the US); They are increasingly looking to private investment to fund infrastructure projects (there is some evidence of that in the US airport sector, see below); PPPs can offer a number of benefits including a whole-life costing approach that can optimise construction, operation and maintenance costs, better risk management and efficient project delivery; Well-structured PPPs can help ensure that green field projects are delivered on time and within budget and at the same time generate attractive risk adjusted returns for investors. The report goes on to say that investors that enter a project in its early stages can capture a premium of several percentage points in the form of ‘patient’ or long term capital. While investors must wait for the end of the construction period before yield returns begin to accrue – and that can be a very long time in the case of projects in transport such as high speed rail lines and airport runways – investors in patient capital are usually willing to forego quick returns for more substantial long term ones, while also valuing the economic and social benefits of a project (which clearly will be a more attractive proposition to governments and independent minded politicians). this is attractive to politicians who fear public backlash from agreeing to the inclusion of an ‘untrustworthy’ private sector The key to this philosophy is that in order to secure this premium, investors have to ensure that the risks associated with the project are properly managed; and those risks will inevitably include social ones. Again, this is attractive to politicians who fear public backlash from agreeing to the inclusion of an ‘untrustworthy’ private sector and especially one that is foreign; a suspicion that lingers in the US. Contract frameworks can bring structure and discipline to the execution of green field infrastructure projects (which, incidentally, McKinsey identifies as offering greater construction risk than brown field projects). By transferring construction risk to experienced contractors and by establishing fixed prices and specific design and build deadlines, project managers and investors can protect against the delays and cost over-runs that all too often plague infrastructure projects. The McKinsey paper references experts that have evidence that the average cost over-run is below 3.5% for project finance schemes (especially PPPs) versus 27% for a traditionally procured project. Political risk assessment and management is essential over the long term. An infrastructure asset’s performance relies on the willingness of local parties to respect the commitments made at inception. Critical assets with proven added value must also address environmental, social and governance aspects of all infrastructure projects. Project participants that do so are more likely to secure and sustain support from key government shareholders and simultaneously protect their investment over the long term. A win-win all round. A clear pipeline of opportunities is required The report also offers advice on what governments can do to encourage this type of investment. It says governments are more likely to attract long term investment if they can provide a clear pipeline of opportunities. The rationale is that investors will only develop internal knowledge and skills in a specific sector such as infrastructure if such a pipeline exists. Procurement agencies must also avoid any ‘stop and go’ process emerging when launching infrastructure projects. But that would be a problem for the US government in the airport sector. There is comparatively little investment in new airports where the private sector might play a part in both the construction and subsequent operation of a facility, be it a terminal building or an entire airport. CAPA is only aware of seven green field airport projects, actual or anticipated, in the whole of North America (including Canada) and with one exception they are small ones. While there have been a couple of new secondary level airports constructed on green field sites in Missouri and Florida during the past few years, the last primary airport was built 19 years ago (Denver). This figure compares miserably with the similarly sized Europe and even more so with Latin America and Africa. Green and Brown field airport projects by region Source: CAPA Airport Construction and Cap Ex database Moreover, secondly, the McKinsey paper insists that long term investment necessitates visibility into cash flow. PPP frameworks and particularly contracted cash flows provide this visibility and also ensure predictability, which in turn contributes to the attractiveness of PPP projects for institutional investors seeking assets that match their long term goals. Finally, financial regulations help ensure economic and financial stability. The US, UK and other countries are all too aware of how the corollary is equally true; a lack of them can result in disastrous instability. Such regulations also affect long term investment. The McKinsey paper opines that governments must think strategically about how regulations can encourage long term investment in infrastructure projects and whether they reflect the risk-reward equation of these nuanced investments. It makes reference for example to the European Solvency 2 Directive that will come into force (theoretically) on 01-Jan-2016 and which will codify and harmonise the EU’s insurance regulation, potentially having knock-on effects on infrastructure investment. The paper also calls for regulation to be built on ‘hard facts’ and the need for an academically validated index for equity investment in infrastructure projects that would be instrumental in ensuring that all parties are aware of the financial realities associated with infrastructure, and especially the green field variety. Call for more public development banks It concludes by stating that government agencies can play a key role in addressing market failures, either directly or through public development banks. They can act as facilitators and provide credibility to infrastructure projects. By taking an active role development banks can provide a strong signal to the private sector; their presence implies political support and stability over the long term. In addition, dedicated financial instruments such as seed investment and early development stage facilities can encourage long term investment. While the US may be home to the World Bank and the IFC, and while the BRIC countries collectively craved a new development bank of their own, which was agreed in Jul-2014, such an all-embracing institution is missing from the US scene. Having said that, there are more limited ones that operate in specific sectors such as environmental projects (the North American Development Bank, a joint US/Mexican initiative) and state-specific institutions such as the California Infrastructure and Economic Development Bank (IBank), which was created in 1994 to finance public infrastructure and private development. there are, at least, periodic proposals for a National Infrastructure Bank to be set up And there are, at least, periodic proposals for a National Infrastructure Bank to be set up. The paper concludes that channelling wealth and savings into productive investments, including green field infrastructure, will be essential for the global economy to grow and that for all concerned this is the ‘way to go’. Having established the theory, what about the practice? What is the viewpoint on the street, so to speak? ACI supports privatisation but links it to quality and customer satisfaction rather than the bottom line Global airports representative body ACI Europe remains committed to seeing further privatisation generally, without specifying a preferred method, if it means that airports are better financed, and investments are made in quality and customer satisfaction. We must accept that as a considered opinion as privatisation is now four decades old and even older if we take into account the very earliest models (which were a version of the PPP) and which actually were in the US. ACI notes the increase in the privatisation of hubs globally, and the move away from them being purely government owned. As we have seen though, that patently is not happening in North America where hubs are concerned. On the contrary there is very little desire to go down the privatisation road. At the same time, the ACI North America division is concerned the US is falling behind due to the lack of funds being invested into developing gateways, as Asia and the Middle East invests in state-of-the-art new airports, terminals, and other infrastructure. CEO Kevin Burke recently observed that “The biggest challenges in the US to the airports are getting air services and airport financing. In my view they are intricately linked.” ACI NA has been attempting to convince the US government that the nation’s airports continue to be a tremendous source of economic activity around the country and across all hub sizes, that the airport is the cornerstone of many local economies, while making the point that collectively airports spur an annual output of more than USD1 trillion, supporting 9.5 million jobs and a myriad of other industries; a “powerhouse” for local, state and national economies." That message is being repeated around the world, but often falling on deaf ears in the corridors of power. If there is another global economic slump on the way though – and the markets seem to believe that is the case, at the time of writing – then the US needs to get a move on if it wants to sub-contract the future development of its airports system to the private sector to a appreciable degree. So the airports’ own bodies support the continuation of the flagging privatisation drive. There is support from other organisations too, and especially so for the PPP. The Commissioner for Aviation in Chicago, where the Midway lease foundered twice but where the South Suburban airport might yet be built (there are calls locally in the media that it is time either to build the airport or scrap the project) recently noted that US airports, which are virtually all federally owned, are now looking at the PPP operating model, and the US is likely to see them established in the future. Airports Worldwide has elevated itself to the status of a world player on the airport investment stage That viewpoint is championed by the US’ leading private sector airport developer – but one that does most of its work now outside of the 50 states and federal district – the Houston-based Airports Worldwide (previously ADC&HAS), which certainly lives up to its new name. Airports Worldwide bills itself as the only US-based global airport investor-operator platform. While it has a presence at six airports in North America (one PPP and five management contracts) and three in Latin America, its more recent activities have been in Europe (UK and Sweden) and its scours the globe for investment opportunities (it has a strategic co-operation with Canadian pension fund OMERS) and developmental ones, rather than the US. With these transactions alone Airports Worldwide has elevated itself to the status of a world player on the airport investment stage. The company recognises that the US airport privatisation market has been “relatively slower” in its development compared with elsewhere globally and that patience and creativity with different structures will be required to develop the US market further. It feels that PPP structures similar to the one that Airports Worldwide is involved in with the Sanford Airport Authority (near Orlando, Florida) is something that has significant potential to be replicated elsewhere in the US. Overall, US airports will continue to need to be privately funded; there is underfunding of airports in the US at the moment, and they are losing their competitiveness. Under the existing structures Airports Worldwide works collaboratively with public sector partners. Alternative structures that it favours include such as those used by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey (PANYNJ) for the development of Terminal 4 at New York’s JFK Airport and more recently for the Central Terminal Building at La Guardia Airport. Airports Worldwide feels they could also be models for privatisation in the US. The La Guardia project is certainly one that has attracted attention from around the world. It is a USD3.6 billion redevelopment that has drawn the interest of three consortiums comprising La Guardia Gateway Partners (Vantage Airport Group, Skanska, Meridiam Infrastructure, Walsh Construction, Parsons Brinckerhoff, Morgan Stanley, Citigroup and Wells Fargo); LG Alliance (Macquarie Capital Group, Lend Lease, Turner, Hochtief, Parsons and Gensler); and LGC Central Terminal (a joint venture of Aéroports de Paris, TAV Construction, Goldman Sachs, Suffolk Construction, STV, Arup and Kohn Pedersen Fox). La Guardia “the worst airport in America” - says Governor Cuomo New York Governor Andrew M Cuomo has prioritised the construction of the new central terminal building at La Guardia as "it is ranked as the worst airport in America.” The State Authorities decided to remove management responsibility from the Port Authority for construction at both JFK and LaGuardia airports. There are two intriguing aspects to all this. Firstly that the civic authorities should have chosen to transfer such large projects away from the designated authority – PANYNJ -, a corporatised entity that was once itself earmarked by a previous governor for privatisation. That mirrors activities elsewhere in the US where there is a power struggle between authorities such as Los Angeles (over the Ontario airport) and Charlotte (between the City of Charlotte and the local Airport Commission). Secondly, that the private sector should have been attracted to the scheme in such large numbers, and with such a degree of variety. Foreign firms such as TAV and Aeroports de Paris are included in the consortiums as well as the home grown investment bank Goldman Sachs through one of its infrastructure funds. TAV and AdP have worked together on PPP projects before and AdP owns 38% of TAV. TAV’s CEO, Dr Sani Sener, is a big fan of PPPs, regarding them as the most effective model to operate airports. some state involvement is beneficial due to the regulation needs of the aviation industry This is how all of TAV-operated gateways are financed, and he believes the chances of success if they are just publically financed or private is lower, than if there is a combination of the two. He also believes however that some state involvement is beneficial due to the regulation needs of the aviation industry, while he thinks the development of PPPs to operate airports in the US is very important in the future. There does appear to be a coming together of ideologies here, almost by chance rather than as a result of direct intervention by government. Current events such as the La Guardia project just might be a catalyst for further opportunities for PPPs in the US airport sector. Bob Poole, Director of Transportation Policy at the US think tank The Reason Foundation, concurs. He said, "The jury is still out on whether airport privatisation will gain a foothold in the United States, beyond the early-2013 lease of the San Juan, Puerto Rico’s airport. In the near term, I think there will be more deals like the PPP procurement under way to replace LaGuardia’s central terminal, especially in fast-growing cities such as Austin, Texas. And there are also longer-term prospects for more-speculative deals to lease and turn-around lagging secondary airports like Ontario that might grow faster with private-sector management and investment.” As Airports Worldwide senior VP corporate development and asset management Amit Rikhy says, patience and creativity with different structures will be required to develop the US market further.

Leads to nuclear war

Khalilzad 11 (Zalmay, Former Ambassador – Afghanistan, Iraq, and the United Nations, Former Director of Policy Planning – Defense Department, “The Economy and National Security”, The National Review, 2-8, http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/print/259024)

Today, economic and fiscal trends pose the most severe long-term threat to the United States’ position as global leader. While the United States suffers from fiscal imbalances and low economic growth, the economies of rival powers are developing rapidly. The continuation of these two trends could lead to a shift from American primacy toward a multi-polar global system, leading in turn to increased geopolitical rivalry and even war among the great powers. The current recession is the result of a deep financial crisis, not a mere fluctuation in the business cycle. Recovery is likely to be protracted. The crisis was preceded by the buildup over two decades of enormous amounts of debt throughout the U.S. economy — ultimately totaling almost 350 percent of GDP — and the development of credit-fueled asset bubbles, particularly in the housing sector. When the bubbles burst, huge amounts of wealth were destroyed, and unemployment rose to over 10 percent. The decline of tax revenues and massive countercyclical spending put the U.S. government on an unsustainable fiscal path. Publicly held national debt rose from 38 to over 60 percent of GDP in three years. Without faster economic growth and actions to reduce deficits, publicly held national debt is projected to reach dangerous proportions. If interest rates were to rise significantly, annual interest payments — which already are larger than the defense budget — would crowd out other spending or require substantial tax increases that would undercut economic growth. Even worse, if unanticipated events trigger what economists call a “sudden stop” in credit markets for U.S. debt, the United States would be unable to roll over its outstanding obligations, precipitating a sovereign-debt crisis that would almost certainly compel a radical retrenchment of the United States internationally. Such scenarios would reshape the international order. It was the economic devastation of Britain and France during World War II, as well as the rise of other powers, that led both countries to relinquish their empires. In the late 1960s, British leaders concluded that they lacked the economic capacity to maintain a presence “east of Suez.” Soviet economic weakness, which crystallized under Gorbachev, contributed to their decisions to withdraw from Afghanistan, abandon Communist regimes in Eastern Europe, and allow the Soviet Union to fragment. If the U.S. debt problem goes critical, the United States would be compelled to retrench, reducing its military spending and shedding international commitments. We face this domestic challenge while other major powers are experiencing rapid economic growth. Even though countries such as China, India, and Brazil have profound political, social, demographic, and economic problems, their economies are growing faster than ours, and this could alter the global distribution of power. These trends could in the long term produce a multi-polar world. If U.S. policymakers fail to act and other powers continue to grow, it is not a question of whether but when a new international order will emerge. The closing of the gap between the United States and its rivals could intensify geopolitical competition among major powers, increase incentives for local powers to play major powers against one another, and undercut our will to preclude or respond to international crises because of the higher risk of escalation. The stakes are high. In modern history, the longest period of peace among the great powers has been the era of U.S. leadership. By contrast, multi-polar systems have been unstable, with their competitive dynamics resulting in frequent crises and major wars among the great powers. Failures of multi-polar international systems produced both world wars. American retrenchment could have devastating consequences. Without an American security blanket, regional powers could rearm in an attempt to balance against emerging threats. Under this scenario, there would be a heightened possibility of arms races, miscalculation, or other crises spiraling into all-out conflict. Alternatively, in seeking to accommodate the stronger powers, weaker powers may shift their geopolitical posture away from the United States. Either way, hostile states would be emboldened to make aggressive moves in their regions. As rival powers rise, Asia in particular is likely to emerge as a zone of great-power competition. Beijing's economic rise has enabled a dramatic military buildup focused on acquisitions of naval, cruise, and ballistic missiles, long-range stealth aircraft, and anti-satellite capabilities. China's strategic modernization is aimed, ultimately, at denying the United States access to the seas around China. Even as cooperative economic ties in the region have grown, China's expansive territorial claims -- and provocative statements and actions following crises in Korea and incidents at sea -- have roiled its relations with South Korea, Japan, India, and Southeast Asian states. Still, the United States is the most significant barrier facing Chinese hegemony and aggression. Given the risks, the United States must focus on restoring its economic and fiscal condition while checking and managing the rise of potential adversarial regional powers such as China. While we face significant challenges, the U.S. economy still accounts for over 20 percent of the world's GDP. American institutions -- particularly those providing enforceable rule of law -- set it apart from all the rising powers. Social cohesion underwrites political stability. U.S. demographic trends are healthier than those of any other developed country. A culture of innovation, excellent institutions of higher education, and a vital sector of small and medium-sized enterprises propel the U.S. economy in ways difficult to quantify. Historically, Americans have responded pragmatically, and sometimes through trial and error, to work our way through the kind of crisis that we face today. The policy question is how to enhance economic growth and employment while cutting discretionary spending in the near term and curbing the growth of entitlement spending in the out years. Republican members of Congress have outlined a plan. Several think tanks and commissions, including President Obama's debt commission, have done so as well. Some consensus exists on measures to pare back the recent increases in domestic spending, restrain future growth in defense spending, and reform the tax code (by reducing tax expenditures while lowering individual and corporate rates). These are promising options. The key remaining question is whether the president and leaders of both parties on Capitol Hill have the will to act and the skill to fashion bipartisan solutions. Whether we take the needed actions is a choice, however difficult it might be. It is clearly within our capacity to put our economy on a better trajectory. In garnering political support for cutbacks, the president and members of Congress should point not only to the domestic consequences of inaction -- but also to the geopolitical implications. As the United States gets its economic and fiscal house in order, it should take steps to prevent a flare-up in Asia. The United States can do so by signaling that its domestic challenges will not impede its intentions to check Chinese expansionism. This can be done in cost-efficient ways. While China's economic rise enables its military modernization and international assertiveness, it also frightens rival powers. The Obama administration has wisely moved to strengthen relations with allies and potential partners in the region but more can be done. Chinese policies encourage other parties to join with the United States, and the U.S. should not let these opportunities pass. China's military assertiveness should enable security cooperation with countries on China's periphery -- particularly Japan, India, and Vietnam -- in ways that complicate Beijing's strategic calculus. China's mercantilist policies and currency manipulation -- which harm developing states both in East Asia and elsewhere -- should be used to fashion a coalition in favor of a more balanced trade system. Since Beijing's over-the-top reaction to the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to a Chinese democracy activist alienated European leaders, highlighting human-rights questions would not only draw supporters from nearby countries but also embolden reformers within China. Since the end of the Cold War, a stable economic and financial condition at home has enabled America to have an expansive role in the world. Today we can no longer take this for granted. Unless we get our economic house in order, there is a risk that domestic stagnation in combination with the rise of rival powers will undermine our ability to deal with growing international problems. Regional hegemons in Asia could seize the moment, leading the world toward a new, dangerous era of multi-polarity.
Californian collapse obliterates global influence

Gvosdev 3 (Nikolas, Editor – National Interest, The National Interest, Vol. 2, Issue 30, 8–13, http://www.inthenationalinterest.com/Articles/Vol2Issue32/Vol2Issue32Realist.html)//twemchen

But the real issue is this:  people "inside the Beltway" sometimes seem to forget that there is no "United States" apart from the fifty states (and associated territories and commonwealths).  A fiscal and economic crisis in California has a direct impact on the power of the United States, since some 13 percent of the total U.S. output is produced by California.  California on its own is the sixth largest economy in the world, worth some $1.309 trillion––yet this represents a decline of approximately 2.3 percent from 2000, when California's economy outperformed that of France.    California represents a significant share of the country's technological base and of its human capital.  The high–tech weaponry which led to a swift initial military victory in Iraq is in part a product of the technology and defense sectors of the California economy.  A state budget crisis that significantly cuts back on everything from education (including higher education, where so many innovative breakthroughs have taken place) to health care has ramifications for how the United States projects its influence throughout the world.  In previous issues of In the National Interest, other authors have pointed out the dangerous implications of continued deficit spending by the federal government to support overseas operations, and this problem can only increase if a continuing crisis in the principal engine of America's economy continues. And, of course, California is the bellweather for the nation as a whole.  Twenty–nine states have either passed or are considering tax hikes to close budget deficits.  Several states––including Hawaii, Georgia and North Carolina––will call special fall sessions of their legislatures to deal with the fact that collected taxes have fallen short of budget projections.  Yet the attitude is that the recall in California is amusing political comedy, nothing more.  There seems to be almost no recognition of the fact that whoever sits in the governor's chair after October 7 ––whether Grey Davis survives or is "terminated" ––must work quickly to solve the problems that have led California into its current quagmire.  Few other countries in the world would be so blasé if political turmoil and economic collapse threatened the welfare of a key component of its national power.  The California crisis reminds us that there is no neat line dividing "domestic" and "foreign" policy.  Ensuring that California survives its current crisis is no less a priority than stabilizing Iraq or containing North Korea.


Global nuclear war

Brooks 13 (Stephen, Associate Professor of Government – Dartmouth College, John Ikenberry, Professor of Politics and International Affairs – Princeton University Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, William C. Wohlforth, Professor of Government – Dartmouth College, “Don’t Come Home America: The Case Against Retrenchment”, International Security, Vol. 37, No. 3, pg. 7–51, Winter 2012–2013)//twemchen

Assessing the Security Benefits of Deep Engagement Even if deep engagement's costs are far less than retrenchment advocates claim, they are not worth bearing unless they yield greater benefits. We focus here on the strategy's major security benefits; in the next section, we take up the wider payoffs of the United States' security role for its interests in other realms, notably the global economy—an interaction relatively unexplored by international relations scholars. A core premise of deep engagement is that it prevents the emergence of a far [End Page 33] more dangerous global security environment. For one thing, as noted above, the United States' overseas presence gives it the leverage to restrain partners from taking provocative action. Perhaps more important, its core alliance commitments also deter states with aspirations to regional hegemony from contemplating expansion and make its partners more secure, reducing their incentive to adopt solutions to their security problems that threaten others and thus stoke security dilemmas. The contention that engaged U.S. power dampens the baleful effects of anarchy is consistent with influential variants of realist theory. Indeed, arguably the scariest portrayal of the war–prone world that would emerge absent the "American Pacifier" is provided in the works of John Mearsheimer, who forecasts dangerous multipolar regions replete with security competition, arms races, nuclear proliferation and associated preventive war temptations, regional rivalries, and even runs at regional hegemony and full–scale great power war.72


2ac – regional econ – california – brink

It’s on the brink

Coghlan 13 – Cali Economic Sumit, 5/18/13, “Mixed signals sent by California economy,” http://www.caeconomy.org/reporting/entry/mixed-signals-sent-by-california-economy)//twemchen

It continues to be a mixed bag for the California economy. In fact, sometimes the signals are downright confusing. The state's unemployment rate for April dropped to 9 percent, the lowest number in a while and down from 9.4 percent in March. But the job growth numbers don't indicate a looming recovery. The state added only about 10,000 jobs. The LA Times, among others, said it may be that just a lot of people have stopped looking for work. ADP, the payroll company that monitors employment, said that the job growth in California was anemic, reporting that only 2,700 private sector, non-farm jobs were added in the state. On the other hand, construction jobs showed a healthy increase. Over 7,500 California construction jobs were added in April. And makes 45,000 construction jobs added over the past 12 months. "The large surge in residential permits so far in 2013, combined with rising home prices will bring a boost to the economy going forward," said Steve Levy, the Center for Continuing Study of the California Economy. Levy pointed out that the unemployment rates are dropping in some of the hard hit regions of the state, particularly in Southern California. Unemployment is L.A. County is 9.3 percent and 9.6 percent in the Inland Empire counties of Riverside and San Bernardino. Northern California's rates are much better, below 6 percent in San Francisco, San Mateo, Marin and Napa Counties. The same sort of mixed signals were coming out of Sacramento this week. Governor Jerry Brown's May Budget Revision speech reflected the uncertainty and he urged restraint in how the state should spend $4.5 billion revenue increase it has experienced this year. He said the money was a one-time event and shouldn't set off a new wave of spending. He proposed putting much of the money in education, which had been cut in past budgets. His restraint won him high praise from business leaders who are also a little worried about what some are calling the state's fragile economic turnaround. "The California Business Roundtable commends the Governor for his prudent and balanced May revision of the proposed state budget," said Robert Lapsley, president of CBRT in a statement reacting to Brown's revision. "We believe it is the right course given the current and projected state of California's economy." And California Forward, which is working with the California Economic Summit with the goal of creating more middle class jobs in California, also weighed in congratulating the Governor for his restrained tone. And then on Friday, to add to the intrigue, the Legislative Analyst Office said it thinks that the state may generate $3.2 billion more in tax revenue more than the Governor projected. But even with that, the LAO urged caution in any spending. So whether things are really turning around or not depends on how you view it. For one, Levy remains optimistic that things are really turning around, despite the slow growth of the national economy and the uncertainty of the global economy. "The California economy continues to make steady progress in job growth and reducing the still high rate of unemployment," said Levy. "The wealth of Californians is being rebuilt by increases in home prices and the stock market. And across the state one sees building everywhere. The state continues to make economic gains driven by technology, foreign trade and tourism and now a surge in home prices, sales and new building."
Inequality renders growth fragile

Brown 14 – staff writer at the Opportunity Fund (Gwendy Donaker Brown, 5/15/14, “How Inequality Affects the State Economy,” http://www.opportunityfund.org/media/blog/how-inequality-affects-the-state-economy/)//twemchen

Opportunity Fund was honored to be asked to brief State Controller John Chiang and his Council of Economic Advisors on issues related to microfinance and small business lending in California. We let them know about the significant, positive impact that microlending has on small business owners, their employees and the state economy. We also shared our thoughts on the challenges posed by high-cost, alternative business financing, an industry which is rapidly growing. Finally, we recommended key steps that the state could take to further facilitate affordable microlending in the areas of marketing and access to capital. A key theme that came up from number of the Controller’s Economic Advisors was the ways in which increasing income inequality poses a potential risk for California’s economy. According to Leslie Appleton-Young, Chief Economist for the California Association of Realtors: “A major problem is housing affordability. The economy is fragile because of the haves and the have-nots.” Similarly, speaking about the decline in the savings rate by Americans, Dr. Lynn Reaser, Chief Economist for the Council stated that lower savings rates is “an issue for long term viability of people’s well- being.” Although sobering, we were pleased to hear that these senior economic officials understand that lack of opportunity is a key issue facing our state, an issue which affects us all.


It’s fragile

Bruno 14 – staff writer at Real Clear Markets (Carson Bruno, 7/31/14, “The Hidden Gloom Underlying California's 'Boom',” http://www.realclearmarkets.com/articles/2014/07/31/the_hidden_gloom_underneath_californias_boom__101202.html)//twemchen

Good news, in 2013, California's economy grew faster than the nation's - 2 percent vs. 1.8 percent. Many have used this as vindication that California's progressive policies, ranging from the 2012 Proposition 30 tax increases to implementation of AB 32's cap-and-trade scheme, are not hindering growth (some even suggest such policies are aiding the growth). However, focusing on the statewide number masks the bad news; California's growth is vastly inconsistent across its regions. And if we explore those differences - using Bureau of Economic Analysis 2001-to-2012 metropolitan-area statistics adjusted for inflation using the CPI-U-RS - the Golden State looks like an awkward composition of extraordinary growth, stagnation, and decline. Coast vs. Inland: Not only are these two regions geographically and politically different, their economies stand in stark contrast: coastal being home to techies and movie stars, while some of the most fertile farms and productive oil fields lay inland. However, between 2002 and 2012, inland California's real average annual growth was better than coastal California's: 1.9 percent compared to 1.2 percent. The slight inland advantage is the result of substantial growth in the early 2000's while the coastal region limped out of the burst dot-com bubble. Since 2010, though, coastal California's average annual real GDP growth has been 1.1 percent annually, about 2 ½ times larger than its inland neighbors, suggesting only coastal California has been enjoying the recovery. North vs. South: The north/south divide is both geographical and cultural. Yet, the difference in the economic growth could rate as another reason to separate the two. Between 2002 and 2012, the two economies grew at roughly equal rates: NorCal at 1.3 percent and 1.4 percent for SoCal. However, since 2010, Northern California has outpaced its Southern neighbor by almost 5 times - 1.9 percent versus just 0.4 percent. But even these two regional breakdowns overshadow the inconsistency in California's economy. By getting more granular, we can see that California's economic growth is dangerously uneven. Silicon Valley vs. Central Valley vs. San Diego vs. Greater Los Angeles: Arguably, these are California's most well-known regions, yet, particularly during the recovery, these economies vary wildly. While the Central Valley saw strong growth across the entire 2002-2012 decade (real annual average of 2.6 percent), more recently, the agriculture and natural resource hub has suffered (1.2 percent since 2010). However, the Central Valley is still doing better than both San Diego (0.4 percent) and Greater Los Angeles (0.2 percent). The economic star, though, is Silicon Valley, which has seen average annual real GDP growth of 2.9 percent since 2010, outpacing the entire state's 2010-2012 growth by roughly 1 ½ points. Inland Empire vs. Central Coast vs. Greater Sacramento vs. Wine Country vs. Rural NorCal: These lessor known parts of the Golden State have fared even worse than their more heavily populated and famous neighbors. Indeed, since 2010, on average, these economies have actually shrunk (-0.2 percent). The Inland Empire leads the pack (at just 0.2 percent since 2010), followed by the Central Coast and Greater Sacramento, both at 0.1 percent. But both Wine Country and Rural NorCal have shrunk (-0.4 percent and -1.1 percent, respectively). Not only are many parts of California struggling, but it is the most under-represented areas in California's political discourse that are really suffering. And more disturbing is California's over-reliance on just one region: Silicon Valley. Indeed, between 2002 and 2012, Silicon Valley accounted for, on average, over one-quarter of California's total economic growth. And since 2010, that has increased to 56 percent, on average. Removing the region reduces California's 2010-2012 average annual real GDP growth of 1.4 percent to 0.9 percent. True, a state's regions will not all perform equally, but continued growth inequality could lead to serious policy problems. Failing to recognize the differences in California's regional economic performance masks the state's growing poverty challenge, budget dependence on a volatile tax base, crumbling infrastructure and schools, and business hostility. And by relying, almost solely, on just one region to inflate its overall growth, the Golden State finds itself in a particularly fragile position. Diversifying a state's economic portfolio is just as important as an investor diversifying their investments. There isn't a one-size fits all fix to jumpstarting economic growth across all regions. But a good starting place is improving the anti-business attitude many in Sacramento seem to relish (or at least, ignore).
2ac – regional econ – california – congestion hurts econ

2ac – regional econ – california – airport key to econ

2ac – regional econ – california – key to climate

California economy is key to climate change agreements

Tam 1/20 – Sustainable Development Policy Director at SPUR (Laura Tam, 1/20/15, “Governor Brown Sets Ambitious Climate Agenda for California,” http://www.spur.org/blog/2015-01-20/governor-brown-sets-ambitious-climate-agenda-california)//twemchen

In his fourth inaugural address on January 5, Governor Jerry Brown gave climate hawks cause to celebrate the new year by proposing an ambitious energy policy agenda that will keep California at the forefront of fighting global warming for more than a decade. Brown called for 50 percent of California’s electricity to come from renewable sources by 2030 (up from a 33 percent goal by 2020). He also called for doubling the energy efficiency of existing buildings and reducing automobile dependency on oil and gas by 50 percent. Wow! During his tenure so far, the governor has strongly supported the state’s sustained commitment to implementing and advancing the 2006 Global Warming Solutions Act (a.k.a. AB 32) — and the suite of accompanying legislation, regulation and progams that work in concert with and implement it. These include things like the Renewable Portfolio Standard, the Low Carbon Fuel Standard, vehicle efficiency and zero-emission vehicle standards, energy efficiency requirements, the California Solar Initiative, cap and trade, and SB 375 and its manifestations in Sustainable Communities Strategies like Plan Bay Area. Earlier this year, we asked how California would tackle climate change after achieving its 2020 goals, which it seems likely to well exceed — especially since implementation seems to be working well, without any of the dire economic consequences that naysayers and certain oil companies predicted. (Remember Prop 23?) With this year’s proposal, the governor is signaling a commitment to extend our multi-pronged framework for success at least another decade — if not beyond. Carbon Output of California’s Economy While California’s economy has grown in the last five years, the amount of carbon pollution per unit of economic output has declined. This indicates that our climate and energy policies are working well while not hindering economic growth. Source: Office of the Governor, Cal EPA, ARB, and others, First Update to the Climate Change Scoping Plan, May 2014, Figure ES-1, page ES-3 How hard will it be to achieve these goals? In 2014, the Governor’s Office and other agencies responsible for implementing AB 32 reported that the state was “well-positioned” to continue reductions beyond 2020. Let’s look at it by sector: Renewable energy. Last year, about 23 percent of California’s electricity was coming from renewable sources (existing law sets a goal of 33 percent by 2020). It will certainly be a big challenge to double this figure in 15 years, along with developing the infrastructure necessary to sustain it, such as additional transmission, energy storage and a smarter grid. Reducing petroleum use for transportation. Existing low-carbon fuel policy and vehicle efficiency standards are expected to reduce emissions from cars and trucks 30 percent from today’s levels by 2020. Some experts believe reaching the 50 percent goal would not even require new technology but simply continued implementation of what we’re already doing: reducing vehicle-miles traveled through better transit-oriented urban development, continued deployment of electric vehicles, and strengthening the Low Carbon Fuel Standard. The governor is also a big proponent of high-speed rail, which should be at least partially built by 2030, to offset vehicle emissions. Energy efficiency. Building efficiency standards adopted by the California Energy Commission in 2013 will increase the efficiency of new buildings by 25 to 30 percent. Retrofits of existing buildings, and financing them, remains a huge challenge — even though many of them will be cost-effective. To this end, there may be an effort at the state level in the next few years to develop time-of-sale building retrofit requirements, perhaps similar to what San Francisco and Berkeley have in their Residential Energy Conservation Ordinances. In its AB 32 progress report, the governor’s office recommended that the state establish mid-term targets to stay on track in the years between 2020 and 2050, the target for reducing green gas emissions to 80 percent below their 1990 levels. The governor’s new 50-50-50 goals for electricity, building energy and vehicle fuels by 2030 would seem to meet that need. But in at least two if not all three of these policy areas, as the governor declared in his inaugural address, reaching them may be a “tall order” requiring “enormous innovation, research and investment.” Climate hawks were already celebrating the January 1 implementation of cap and trade for mobile fuels, which applies California’s carbon emissions limits to gas and diesel fuels (which are responsible for about 40 percent of statewide emissions). With gasoline prices so low due to an oil glut, the pennies-on-the-gallon additional cost was hardly felt. Now, with an ambitious policy agenda for the next 15 years and beyond set to keep the momentum going, it’s time to get to work.




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