Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 Mercury China Coop Aff


China Weaponizing Now – General (1/3)



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China Weaponizing Now – General (1/3)




China weaponizing now

MacDonald, United States Institute of Peace, 5/11/11

[Bruce W., United States Institute of Peace, USIP.org, “Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission onThe Implications of China’s Military and Civil SpacePrograms” 5/11/11 http://www.usip.org/files/resources/bmacdonald_testimony.pdf , accessed 7/1/11, HK]


A fundamental problem we face is that China says little at an official level about its military space policy and doctrine. Chinese counterspace capabilities may be intended purely for deterrence purposes, to be used in warfare at a time of their choosing, or some combination of the two. PLA leaders have informally told U.S. officials and others that it is in the interest of an inferior power to keep secret information about its weaknesses and strengths, and they appear to be following this advice quite strictly. Time and again the U.S. has been rebuffed in seeking greater openness and transparency in Chinese space and larger defense strategy. That said, the PLA publishes an increasing number of papers on these issues that have not received enough attention, the problem, I am told, being a resource constraint. There is a sizable PLA literature on space conflict, but it is unclear how well this reflects Chinese government thinking, any more than U.S. military journals reflect official U.S. policy. However, China’s ASAT and missile defense tests and this literature demonstrate a PLA awareness of the importance of offensive counterspace (OCS) capabilities and strongly suggest that such capabilities are part of China’s larger plans for the future – and perhaps missile defense capabilities as well. It is also unclear whether this reflects PLA interest in OCS for warfighting or just for deterrence, though I suspect it is likely a mixture of both. Should China choose to deploy its demonstrated ASAT system, or more advanced versions of it, U.S. space assets and the military and economic infrastructures they support would be put at risk. One thing is certain – more clarity on PLA and Chinese government thinking on space deterrence, doctrine, space stability, and related issues – and Russian thinking, too -- are urgently needed and are important to U.S. security. If there is any aspect of space security that needs more resources, space intelligence and analysis is it.

China is modernizing and weaponizing in the status quo-their military is becoming more competitive

Aviation Week ‘11

(Aviation Week & Space Technology 1/10/2011 Vol. 173 Issue 2, p58-58, 1p “Remain Watchful of China’s Ascent” EBSCO host 7/1/11 BLG)


That is not to say the U.S. can blithely ignore or marginalize the rate at which China is building military capability. As the Navy's top intelligence official concedes, "We have been pretty consistent in underestimating the delivery and initial operational capability of Chinese weapons systems." Of course, China's weapons modernization goes far beyond just stealth aircraft. There is the DF-21D, an anti-aircraft ballistic missile, a broad range of unmanned systems, command and control devices to target ballistic missiles, small bombs that can be carried internally on a stealth fighter, and ships suitable for a blue water navy--all within the context of virtually unlimited money for such endevors. In short, China appears to have identified all of the disconnects between its strategic ambitions and military resources, and is proceeding rapidly to fill those gaps. Even more of a concern to intelligence officials than China's kinetic weapons is its non-kinetic threat such as electronic attack and cyberwarfare. Regardless of whether the J-20 is a prototype or technology demonstrator, it is one more sign of growing expertise, an indication that it is starting to realize its ambition to counter adversaries across a range of domains. Will China flex its growing military muscle when Beijing feels its strategic interests are being challenged--strategic interests that may be in direct conflict with those of the U.S.? We cannot rule out that possibility, if not probability, whether it is Taiwan, North Korea, their "near seas" or competition for strategic resources anywhere in the world.

China Weaponizing Now – General (2/3)



China is expanding its military capabilities by developing new technology, including in space, which threatens the US

Chase, Associate Research at the United States Naval War focusing Taiwan’s security policy, Chinese military modernization, and Chinese nuclear and conventional missile force developments, 2011

(Michael, “Chinese Military Modernization: Challenges and Opportunities for the United States,” The Moderate Voice, January 26, http://www.china-defense-mashup.com/chinese-military-modernization-challenges-and-opportunities-for-the-united-states.html, accessed July 6, 2011, NS)


Once dismissed as a "junkyard army," the Chinese military is now impressing outside observers”and alarming China's neighbors”with its growing air, naval, missile, space, and information warfare capabilities. In recent years, China has deployed increasingly potent capabilities, including modern surface ships, advanced submarines, fourth-generation fighter aircraft, and conventional cruise and ballistic missiles, including an anti-ship ballistic missile designed to target U.S. aircraft carriers. China is also enhancing its command, control, communications, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance systems and its space and cyber warfare capabilities. The internet leak of photos and videos unveiling China's new J-20 stealth fighter and the test flight of the aircraft during Secretary of Defense Robert Gates' recent visit to China seemed intended to underscore the growing capability of China's military. China's eagerness to showcase the faster than expected development of the J-20”and its determination to send a message to the United States”also ensured that concerns about the implications of a more powerful Chinese military would loom large when President Hu Jintao arrived in Washington for a state visit this week. China's growing military capabilities, along with incidents such as Beijing's anti-satellite test in January 2007 and its harassment of a U.S. surveillance ship in March 2009, are raising questions about whether an increasingly powerful China represents a threat to the U.S. and its allies. Fueling China's accelerating military modernization”and the concerns of analysts who see China as an emerging competitor”is the rapid growth of their defense budget. Beijing's increases in defense spending have enabled the People's Liberation Army to develop more credible options for using force against Taiwan and countering U.S. military intervention. Beyond Taiwan, PLA modernization is increasingly tied to China's growing role on the world stage. As China's economic and security interests become more global, the PLA's roles and missions are evolving to contend with an increasingly diverse set of challenges. To fulfill these expanded missions, China's leadership has tasked their military with enhancing its capabilities to participate in military operations other than war, such as the counter-piracy patrols that China's navy has been conducting in the Gulf of Aden. Such activities are seen as important to protecting China's growing global interests, but senior officers stress that their military's core mission remains deterring and winning wars. China continues to lag behind the United States military in many respects, but its new capabilities already present serious challenges to the security balance in the Asia-Pacific region. Beijing's advances in cyber-warfare, anti-satellite weapons, submarines, and ballistic missiles could threaten America's regional bases, the aircraft carriers that have become symbols of U.S. presence and power projection, and the space assets and computer networks that support them.



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