Japan Aff Michigan


India Nuclear Export Good



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India Nuclear Export Good


Kan will export nuclear power plants to India

The Asahi Shimbun, 6/23 (6/23/10, “Editorial: Kan’s Nuclear Policy”, http://www.asahi.com/english/TKY201006230339.html)
The export of nuclear power plants is part of the economic growth strategy of the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan. The administration is now considering extending nuclear cooperation to India. A single nuclear power plant contract is worth hundreds of billions of yen. Not only is this a hugely attractive proposition for related businesses, but the government is also looking at it as a means for creating jobs and bolstering the economy. But this is not an issue to be decided solely from a business angle. Given Japan's firm commitment to its anti-nuclear diplomacy, it is hardly appropriate for Japan to eagerly export a nuclear power plant, its components or related technology to India, a nation that has armed itself with nuclear weapons and has not signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). One of the basic principles of the NPT is that any nation that honors this treaty to the letter will be assisted in its peaceful development of nuclear energy. The implications are too obvious, should Japan--a staunch proponent of nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation as the only nation ever attacked by nuclear weapons--cooperate with India, which continues to ignore the NPT. This would further erode the treaty's credibility, which has already been challenged by the problems created by North Korea and Iran.
Exporting nuclear reactors to India key to Japan-India relations

Brown, 6/19 (6/19/10, Peter J, Asia Times, “Japan Weighs Role in India’s Nuclear Boom”, http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Japan/LF19Dh01.html)
"In terms of its commercial implications, the India-Japan deal is important but not essential. India could still access Russian and South Korean technologies, though the range of options and quality of such technologies might retard India's own progress in developing industry technology standards that could make its civil nuclear sector globally competitive someday in the future ... if ever," said Sourabh Gupta, senior research associate at Samuels International Associates in Washington DC. At the same time, India is looking for certain signals from Japan, and more than anything else Tokyo seeks to avoid sending the wrong signal. "Insofar as the strategic character of Japan-India relations, the deal is extremely important. Signs of flexibility in Tokyo on sensitive issues - and this understandably is an ultra-sensitive one - is usually reserved for extremely important allies and partners," said Gupta. "According flexibility to NPT-non-signatory New Delhi on nuclear commerce is a powerful statement of Japan's investment in the bilateral strategic relationship. That it also represents a continuing bipartisan consensus in Tokyo at a time when the center-left is in charge, and at a time of significant flux within Japan's political system, is also noteworthy."

Upper House Win = Economy



DPJ win in the upper house good – boosts economy

Hankyoreh, '09 (8/31/09, The Hankyoreh Media Company, "Regime change in Japan may bring an opportunity as well as threat to S. Korean economy," http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_international/374023.html)
In terms of economic issues, some observers predicted that an election win by the opposition Democratic Party Japan could lead to an opportunity for increased exports for South Korean businesses in areas such as information technology, the environment, and nanotechnology. Based on hasty interviews with some 20 Japanese companies and investors Sunday, the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency (KOTRA) offered the following prediction, “Because the Democratic Party has been emphasizing a position fostering new industry, there will be a greater chance of cooperation with Korean companies.” Since some within Japan are commenting on the need to develop domestic production and import areas separately, this indicates a bright future for exports in areas such as waste treatment equipment and power-saving appliances. The Hyundai Research Institute put out a report Sunday entitled, “Economic Effects and Implications of Japan’s Change in Administrations.” The report states, “Since the Democratic Party has shown a positive stance on the signing of the Korea-Japan free trade agreement, a swift conclusion is expected.” The institute also says that the Democrats will “work to solidify a system of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region on a wide range of areas including trade, finance, energy and the environment,” and predicts that Japan’s change in administrations will “promote the economic integration of the Asian region.” Democratic Party of Japan head Hatoyama Yukio has repeatedly emphasized a system of cooperation among South Korea, China and Japan, for example in his comments on the need to establish an East Asian community.


***HEGEMONY


Offshore Balancing Solvency

Okinawa is the crucial ground to a shift away from a hegemonic paradigm that is the cause of patriarchy and other human rights abuses in Japan. Withdrawal would be a concession to the movement. Criticism of itself is a crucial step.

Yonetani, 4 (December 2004, Julia, Appropriation and Resistance in a “Globalised” Village: Reconfiguring the Local/Global Dynamic from Okinawa, Vol. 28, pp. 391–406, University of New South Wales)

In the context of the Asia-Pacific, various movements and forms of cultural expression that emerged at a local level sought to envision an alternative regional imaginary, one counter to the military and economic intentions of hegemonic powers (Wilson and Dirlik, 1995, p. 7). Okinawa, and in particular the upsurge in calls for cultural and political autonomy and the movement against US–Japan military strategies for the islands from 1995, was one such locale. Within Okinawa, too, an expansion of global flows created new opportunities for cooperation between local groups and international non-government organisations (NGOs), as well as between groups in Okinawa and locally based groups in such far-off places as Puerto Rico. Opposition to new base construction plans in the northern city of Nago on Okinawa’s main island led to links between local and international NGOs to an extent unprecedented in the history of Okinawa’s anti-base movement. More- over, this movement was made up of a novel amalgamation of local and international peace and environmental groups. Although highly fragmented, such networks may broadly fit into notions of “globalisation-from-below”. This has been described as “an array of transnational forces animated by environmental concerns, human rights, hostility to patriarchy, and a vision of human community based on the unity of diverse cultures seeking an end to poverty, oppression, humiliation, and collective violence” (Falk, 1993, p. 39). Yet in the case of the anti-base movement in Okinawa these transnational networks have been ineffectual, at least in the sense that they have to date been unable to halt the progression of the plans for construction of the new base. This suggests the need for a more detailed analysis of the complex set of forces on both sides of the “base issue” in Okinawa. In conjunction, moreover, I situate this analysis as part of a broader consideration of the complex set of configurations within the “local” in the context of globalisation. As has become more and more apparent in locally based movements throughout the world, while the “local” may be seen as a site of resistance to global capitalism and the nation-state, it does not exist apart from them.



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