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- US-Japan relations strong – mutual trust guarantees
- Abe-Obama meeting reinforced cooperation on multiple issues
US-JapanStrong NowUS-Japanese relations high now – joint military exercises provesCogan 7/7—(James, “Japan joins US-Australian rehearsal for conflict with China,” World Socialist Web Site, 7 July 2015, https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2015/07/07/tali-j07.html). WM For the first time, Japanese forces will participate in the biennial joint Australian and US “Talisman Sabre” exercise, now underway in military training areas in northern Australia. Along with the war games in Australia, the exercise involves key US naval and air force command centres in Guam, Hawaii and the US west coast. A delegation of 40 Japanese military personnel has joined what amounts to a large-scale dress rehearsal for a military confrontation with China in the Asia-Pacific region. The exercise was formally launched last Saturday, when Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott toured the Blue Ridge, the command ship of the US Navy’s Pacific Fleet, as it arrived in Sydney Harbour. The propaganda event was designed to promote the US-Australia military alliance and invoke a wartime atmosphere. Attempting to imitate a US president’s “commander-in-chief” persona, Abbott landed aboard the ship on a military helicopter dressed in an Air Force flight jacket and headgear. A horde of media was on hand to record him, wearing his military garb, being welcomed by a US admiral and the American ambassador to Australia, John Berr. Abbott hailed the US military as a “comforting presence” amid “significant challenges in many parts of the world.” Under conditions in which the US, Australia and Japan are threatening to take action to assert “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea near Chinese-held islands and reefs, Talisman Sabre involves a wide range of military assets training for potential combat situations. These extend from naval encounters and air attacks on ships, to long-range bombing and marine beach landings. Last Sunday, “Open Days” were held at military bases in Darwin and Rockhampton in northern Australia, so the media could broadcast imagery of Australian and American military hardware and troops operating alongside each other. Talisman Sabre will involve 21 ships, three submarines, over 200 aircraft and more than 33,000 personnel from the US and Australia, as well as 640 New Zealand personnel and the Japanese contingent. The US Navy has sent the aircraft carrier George Washington and its support ships, which will train with Australian forces off northeastern Australia. A marine expeditionary unit aboard the amphibious assault ship Bonhomme Richard, supported by US and Australian submarines and ships, will exercise off the coast of Darwin—within striking distance of the strategic Sunda and Lombok Straits through Indonesia. In the event of conflict with China, the US “AirSea Battle” concept envisages northern Australia being the base of operations for a naval blockade of these sea lanes, in order to starve the Chinese economy of oil and other natural resources and strangle its international trade. The key Malacca Straits, through which 80 percent of all Chinese sea-borne imports and exports pass, would also be blockaded in joint operations involving the US, Australia, Japan, Singapore and other allied forces. A number of long-range B1 bombers currently based in Guam have been retooled over the past four years into ship-killers, armed with highly accurate missiles that can hit a vessel at sea from distances of up to 300 kilometres. Following statements in May by David Shear, the assistant secretary of defense for Asian and Pacific security affairs, that the US will “place” B1 bombers in Australia, close attention will be paid as to whether Talisman Sabre tests out such plans by sending some of the aircraft for bombing training in northern Australia. The US “pivot” to Asia, officially unveiled by the Obama administration in 2011, is aimed at concentrating 60 percent of the US Navy and Air Force in the region, and developing the network of military alliances and partnerships necessary to wage war against China. The involvement of Japanese personnel in Talisman Sabre is highly significant. In a 2013 US strategic study, Japan and Australia were described as the “northern and southern anchors” of the pivot. Under the right-wing government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan is being steadily remilitarised. Abe has pushed through parliament a reinterpretation of the country’s pacifist constitution to permit “collective self-defence”—that is, the ability to deploy the Japanese military in wars wherever the US or another Japanese ally are allegedly under attack. Last month, Japan participated in a provocative joint military exercise with the Philippines in the vicinity of the disputed territories in the South China Sea and initiated talks with Manila on basing ships and aircraft in the country. Japan has its own volatile territorial dispute with China over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea. Close encounters regularly take place between Japanese and Chinese aircraft. If conflict breaks out, the Obama administration has guaranteed it will join Japan in a war against China. Australia would be inevitably drawn in also, not only by virtue of its alliance with the US and the American satellite and communications bases in the country, but because of its growing military relations with Tokyo. While Australia and Japan do not have a formal defence alliance, Abbott and Abe have declared the countries have a “special relationship” and signed agreements on the exchange of military technology. Washington has actively encouraged the closer ties. US-Japan relations strong – mutual trust guaranteesStokes 15— director of global economic attitudes at the Pew Research Center (Bruce, “How Strong Is the U.S.-Japan Relationship?,” Foreign Policy, APRIL 14, 2015, http://foreignpolicy.com/2015/04/14/united-states-japan-relationship-poll-washington-tokyo/). WM This is a pivotal year in U.S.-Japan relations. As the two nations mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II in August, it is a moment for both the American and Japanese publics to reflect on the past — but also, with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visiting the United States in late April, to take the temperature of the current bilateral relationship and to consider its future. As both countries face the rising strategic and economic challenge posed by China, the United States is explicitly rebalancing its international posture toward Asia. Japan has fractious relations with U.S. ally South Korea over unresolved issues involving their mutual history, and with U.S. adversary China over both history and territorial disputes. At the same time, to the consternation of both Seoul and Beijing, Tokyo is debating a more active role in collective regional security. And the United States and Japan are the key economies in an unprecedented effort — known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership — to broaden and deepen trade and investment among Pacific countries that account for more than one-third of the world’s GDP. How the American and Japanese people see these issues may go a long way toward framing the ongoing relationship of these onetime foes and now longtime allies. Adversaries in World War II, fierce economic competitors in the 1980s and early 1990s, Americans and Japanese nonetheless share a deep mutual respect today. Roughly two-thirds of Americans trust Japan either a great deal (26 percent) or a fair amount (42 percent), according to a new Pew Research Center survey. And three-quarters of Japanese share a similar degree of trust of the United States, though their intensity is somewhat less (10 percent a great deal, 65 percent a fair amount). There is a gender gap in how the two publics see each other. American men (76 percent) are more trusting of Japan than American women (59 percent), just as Japanese men (82 percent) voice greater trust in the United States than do Japanese women (68 percent). But there is no significant partisan difference in how Americans see Japan. Looking ahead, Americans generally support keeping the U.S. relationship with Japan about where it is, both economically and strategically. When asked whether they would prefer the United States to be closer to Japan, less close, or about as close to Japan as it has been in recent years, 38 percent say closer, 45 percent say about as close, and only 13 percent would like to distance the United States from Japan. There is, however, a generation gap in viewing the future of the relationship: 41 percent of younger Americans would like to see closer ties, but only 27 percent of older Americans would. And there is partisan disagreement on the trajectory of the relationship with Japan: Democrats (41 percent) are more likely than Republicans (30 percent) to support closer ties. China looms large in the minds of both Americans and Japanese in their consideration of the U.S.-Japan relationship. Only 30 percent of Americans and just 7 percent of Japanese trust China. One reason Americans may trust China more is that only 16 percent say they have heard a lot about territorial disputes between China and neighboring countries. Americans are somewhat divided on whether the United States should be focusing more on Japan or on China when it comes to developing strong economic ties. Overall, a slightly larger share of Americans (43 percent) name China as the more important economic partner than Japan (36 percent). About one in eight Americans (12 percent) volunteered an alternative: that it is important to have a strong economic relationship with both. Americans’ views on the relative importance of economic ties with Japan and China divide along generational, racial, and partisan lines. In particular, young Americans believe it is more important to have a strong economic relationship with China: About six in 10 Americans ages 18 to 29 hold this view. Less than half as many people 65 years of age and older agree. At the same time, twice as many older Americans as younger ones believe a strong economic relationship with Japan is a priority. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to want better relations with Japan. Meanwhile, Democrats are more likely than the GOP to want stronger economic ties with China. There are no such divisions in Japan on future economic relations with China and the United States. Nearly eight in 10 Japanese (78 percent) say it is more important to have strong economic connections with the United States, while only 10 percent cite China. Young Japanese are more likely than their elders to back a deeper economic relationship with the United States, but the preference for the United States among all age groups, and among all demographic subgroups in Japan, is still overwhelming. Six in 10 Americans think China’s rise makes relations between the United States and Japan more important. Just 6 percent say it makes ties less important and 29 percent believe it makes no difference. Men (67 percent) are more likely than women (54 percent), whites (67 percent) more than non-whites (48 percent), and Americans 65 years of age and older (65 percent) more likely than those ages 18 to 29 (51 percent) to hold the view that the Japan relationship is now more important because of China’s rise. There is also a disparity in how Americans and Japanese view South Korea. Nearly half (49 percent) of Americans trust Seoul, but only 21 percent of Japanese do. Much of this Japanese-Korean enmity arises out of the unresolved legacy of Japan’s colonial occupation of Korea through the end of World War II. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 98 percent of South Koreans felt that Japan had not apologized sufficiently for its activities in the 1930s and 1940s. One of the contentious issues is the Japanese army’s use of Korean “comfort women” — women forced into prostitution — which many Koreans believe Japan has not atoned for sufficiently. The Korean-American community has made this issue a cause célèbre and it may well come up in the press during Abe’s late-April visit to the United States. Yet 57 percent of Americans say they have never heard of the tensions over the comfort women issue. At the same time, the American public is divided over whether Japan should play a more active military role in helping to maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region: 47 percent would like to see Tokyo take a more active role and 43 percent would prefer that Japan limit its role. Americans who trust Japan are more likely to want to see Tokyo play a greater strategic role in the region. And Americans who do not trust China are also more likely to want to see Japan take on more of the military burden in Asia. Among Japanese, there is little desire for their country to play a greater part in the region’s security. Just over two-thirds (68 percent) want Japan to limit its military activity. Only 23 percent want the country to take on more defense responsibilities. Notably, it is Japanese men (30 percent) more than women (17 percent) who would like to see a more forward-leaning national strategic posture. Japan and the United States have deeply rooted economic and strategic bonds. But, since both nations are functioning democracies, those ties also depend on the attitudes of the Japanese and American people. Seven decades after a horrific war, and despite serious trade frictions in the past and a new challenge posed by China, Americans and Japanese share a mutual trust and respect that is the glue of the relationship. Abe-Obama meeting reinforced cooperation on multiple issuesLee and Nelson 15— White House correspondents (Carol E. and Colleen McCain, “Obama, Abe Pledge New Era in U.S.-Japan Relations, Tout Progress on Trade,” The Wall Street Journal, April 29, 2015, http://www.wsj.com/articles/with-japanese-leaders-visit-u-s-attention-returns-to-asia-1430229841). WM WASHINGTON—President Barack Obama and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe touted reinvigorated security ties and progress on a trade accord as the two leaders vowed to work together on issues ranging from maritime disputes to cyber threats. After Tuesday’s White House meeting, though, Mr. Abe faces a tougher venue Wednesday when he addresses a joint session of Congress and campaigns for a sweeping, 12-nation trade agreement. On Capitol Hill, Mr. Abe will encounter strong Democratic resistance to the Trans-Pacific Partnership and is likely to face pressure to atone for Japan’s wartime cruelty. Messrs. Obama and Abe’s remarks made clear that the prime minister’s official visit to Washington is unlikely to yield a final breakthrough on the trade accord or a fresh public apology for Japan’s legacy of “comfort women,” who were forced to serve Japanese soldiers in brothels during World War II. During a news conference at the White House, the two leaders pledged to move ahead with a trade agreement between the U.S. and Japan that would clear the way for a broader pact among 12 Pacific nations—a deal that Mr. Obama said would include strong protections for workers. Still, they acknowledged the obstacles to a deal that remain in the U.S. and Japan. “The politics around trade can be hard in both our countries,” Mr. Obama said. He added that he and Mr. Abe both are committed to completing an agreement but noted, “It’s never fun passing a trade bill in this town.” Mr. Abe said he hoped to bring an early conclusion to the Pacific trade pact. “We welcome the fact that significant progress was made. We will continue to cooperate to lead the TPP talks to its last phase,” Mr. Abe said. “It should be a model for China in that it’s an ambitious attempt to create a new economic sphere in which people, goods and money will flow freely within the Asia-Pacific region.” China was a prominent topic in the talks Tuesday, with both leaders expressing concern over Beijing’s territorial ambitions in the Asia-Pacific region. But both said that strengthened U.S.-Japan trade and military ties weren’t intended to provoke China. Mr. Obama said the renewal of U.S.-Japan ties were designed to combat maritime disputes in the Pacific and better address emerging problems such as cyber threats. “We don’t think that a strong U.S.-Japan alliance should be seen as a provocation,” the president said. “But I think we have to do it in a way that brings China and other countries into a common effort to maintain order and peace in the region.” Mr. Abe said new trade ties with the U.S. weren't being crafted “out of consciousness about China.” Mr. Obama said the 12-nation trade deal would boost the U.S. economy while keeping China from further dominating the region. “It’s going to open up markets that currently are not fully opened to U.S. businesses. It’s going to be good for the U.S. economy,” Mr. Obama said. “And because I always believe that good policy ends up being good politics, I’m confident we’re going to end up getting the votes in Congress.” In recent days, Mr. Obama has expressed frustration with fellow Democrats who argue an agreement would hurt American workers. He is depending largely on Republicans to help pass so-called fast-track legislation that would allow Congress to vote on trade pacts, including the Pacific accord, but not to amend the deals. Mr. Abe will face skepticism from many Democrats on the issue of trade when he becomes the first Japanese prime minister to address a joint session of Congress on Wednesday. Additionally, Rep. Paul Ryan of Wisconsin, a key Republican leader on trade issues, also issued a challenge to Mr. Abe this week, calling on the prime minister to drop Japan’s agricultural and auto industry barriers. “In the near team, the clearest sign of a successful state visit would be a firm commitment from Abe to eliminate the farm and auto barriers,” Mr. Ryan wrote in an op-ed article in the Washington Post. Some lawmakers also have called on Mr. Abe to reaffirm and validate previous Japanese war apologies. On Tuesday, Mr. Abe declined to offer a new apology for his country’s World War II treatment of women enslaved by the Japanese Imperial army. The prime minister said he would uphold the Japanese government’s earlier apologies for the plight of “comfort women.” He told reporters he was “deeply pained” by the wartime treatment of comfort women and stressed Japan’s efforts to promote women’s rights in recent years. Koreans, Korean-Americans and others hope he will issue fresh statements of remorse while in the U.S. But so far, he has avoided doing so in public comments in Boston and at the White House. He’s unlikely to go further in Congress, but it will be important for Mr. Abe to reiterate his support of the Japanese government’s previous stances on the treatment of women enslaved by the Japanese imperial army, said Sheila Smith, a senior fellow for Japan studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. “What he says will be amplified on the Hill,” Ms. Smith said. “He will not go beyond that, because it’s not an issue for the United States and Japan, it’s an issue for Japan and South Korea to really speak to.” Talks between U.S. and Japanese officials in advance of Tuesday’s summit resulted in a statement on economic, military and technological cooperation, including an agreement to jointly work on high-speed-rail projects, a Japanese priority for Mr. Abe’s trip. The two governments also issued a statement outlining a vision for the relationship between “former adversaries who have become steadfast allies.” Messrs. Obama and Abe were to conclude their visit with an elaborate dinner and reception in the State Dining Room, expected to last late into the evening. Directory: file -> view view -> Western Europe after wwii view -> Author study: paul fleischman view -> Qpa1 7ela study Guide view -> Arctic Oil/Gas Neg view -> November 1970 Approximately 150,000-500,000 deaths Bhola Cyclone Bangladesh view -> Grade Level: 6 Unit of Study: Caribbean glce view -> Citation: Duffield, Katy view -> Table of Contents Lesson # view -> Chinese Wind Energy Disad Download 2.62 Mb. Share with your friends:
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