Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files
NC Shell: Neo-Colonialism Kritik 452
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- 2NC Extension: A/t 1 “No Link” 453
1NC Shell: Neo-Colonialism Kritik 452D) Alternative: We can refuse neo-colonialism’s reduction of human value to economics. We embrace “globalization from below,” which unifies humanity by focusing on empathy and common interests before looking at economic viability. CHOI, MURPHY AND CARO, 4 [Jung Min, Professor of Sociology at San Diego State University; John, Professor of Sociology at University of Miami; Manuel, Professor of Sociology at Barry University; Globalization with a Human Face, 35: 76] Various critics are saying that only the restoration of a strong sense of community can guarantee the success of globalization. What is meant by community, however, is in dispute. After all, even neoliberals lament the current loss of community that has ensued in the world economy. From their perspective, a community of effective traders would strengthen everyone's position at the marketplace. Advocates of globalization from below, as might be expected, have something very different in mind. They are not calling for the general assimilation of persons to a cosmopolitan ideal, which is thought to instill civility and enforce rationality. Persons who want to join the world market, as was noted earlier, are thought to need a good dose of these traits. Nonetheless, there is a high price for entry into this community—cultural or personal uniqueness must be sacrificed to promote effective economic discourse. Such reductionism, however, is simply unacceptable in a large part of the globe that is beginning to appreciate local customs and the resulting diversity. What these new activists want, therefore, is a community predicated on human solidarity. This sort of community, as Emmanuel Levinas describes, is focused on ethics rather than metaphysics." His point is that establishing order does not require the internalization of a single ideal by all persons, but simply their mutual recognition. The recognition of others as different, but connected to a common fate, is a powerful and unifying principle. Persons are basically united through the recognition and appreciation of their uniqueness. As should be noted, this image is encompassing but not abstract. Uniformity, in other words, is replaced by the juxtaposition of diversity as the cement that binds a community together. Like a montage, a community based on human solidarity is engendered at the boundaries of its various and diverse elements. The genius of this rendition of community is that no one is by nature an outsider, and thus deserving of special treatment. Many of the problems that exist today, in fact, result from persons sitting idly while their neighbors are singled out as different and discriminated against or exploited. When persons view themselves to be fundamentally united, on the other hand, such mistreatment is unlikely, because community members protect and encourage one another. Indeed, this sort of obligation is neither selective nor optional among those who belong to a true community. Basically the idea is that if no one is an outsider, there are no persons or groups to exploit. Such a community, moreover, does not require extraordinary actions on the part of its members to end racism, sexism, or economic exploitation. All that is required is persons refuse to turn away and say nothing when such discrimination is witnessed. By refusing to go along with these practices, any system that survives because of discrimination or exploitation will eventually grind to a halt. Clearly, there is an implicit threat behind current trends of globalization. Because globalization as it is currently defined is inevitable, anyone who expects to be treated as rational and civilized must accept some temporary pain. Old cultural ways will simply have to be abandoned, and a transition to the new economic realities. Those who cannot tolerate the mistreatment of fellow community members any longer appear to be a part of this change, however, they are obligated to bare witness to these abuses. And by refusing to be complicit these actions, business as usual cannot continue. A globalization of can be mounted, therefore, that might be able to create a more humane world. In the face of mounting darkness—increasing economic hardship and degradation—why not seriously entertain the possibility that social life can be organized in less alienating ways? With little left to why not pursue alternative visions? 2NC Extension: A/t #1 “No Link” 4531) Economic assistance to Latin America is always about extending U.S. military and economic dominance, and maintaining a hegemonic role in the region. Their advantages prove that they are not looking out for the people in Latin America, but only the benefits of the United States. This creates a system that devalues all non-American lives and culminates in a war to destroy the Other, which is our SANTOS evidence. Extend our MARSHALL evidence. 2) Latin America is the colonial test kitchen where the U.S. develops neoliberal economic policy that promises individual rights, but only as long as they are economically profitable. Creating debt cycles by providing economic assistance leads to reliance, which reinforces U.S. colonial hegemony. BARDER, 13 [Daniel, Department of Political Studies & Public Administration, American University of Beirut; “American Hegemony Comes Home: The Chilean Laboratory and the Neoliberalization of the United States” May, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 38(2)] The American-led liberal order, and its reassertion of hegemony in the 1980s, was in fact predicated upon the very need ‘‘to discipline and coerce weaker states, particularly in Latin America and the Middle East’’—as Ikenberry writes—through political and economic means. The debt crises of the 1980s were part of this capacity to discipline. However, these crises, characterized as well by the explosive development of financial securitization and the proliferation of asset bubbles, represents what Arrighi calls a ‘‘signal crisis’’ of the ‘‘dominant regime of accumulation’’ of the American post–second world war order. 53 A signal crisis signifies a ‘‘deeper underlying systemic crisis’’ when leading capitalist entities begin switching their economic activities away from production and trade to ‘‘financial intermediation and speculation.’’ 54 This initial move from investment in material production to the fictitious world of financial speculation and engineering initially forestalls and enhances the capacity for wealth generation for a certain class. Nonetheless, it cannot embody a lasting resolution of the underlying contradictions. ‘‘On the contrary,’’ as Arrighi writes, ‘‘it has always been the preamble to a deepening of the crisis and to the eventual supersession of the still dominant regime of accumulation by a new one.’’ 55 What Arrighi calls the ‘‘terminal crisis’’ is then the ‘‘end of the long century that encompasses the rise, full expansion, and demise of that regime’’—what is potentially occurring today. 56 The signal crisis of American political and economic hegemony provoked a set of policies to enhance capital accumulations beneficial to American business and state to the detriment of the global South. What Ikenberry sees as American behavior being ‘‘crudely imperial’’ in certain contexts was in fact the way of maintaining and reinvigorating international forms of capital accumulation for the benefit of American hegemony and its allies. As I will show in the last section of this chapter, this manifestly neo-imperial economic order was not only meant to be applicable throughout the global South; the Reagan-Thatcher counter revolution was also an internal revolution that adapted some of the experiences and practices developed in the global periphery to reinforce American hegemony at home and abroad. 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