Chicago Debate League 2013/14 Core Files


NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/t - #4 “No Link” [2/2] 356



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2NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/t - #4 “No Link” [2/2] 356



China is winning in Latin America because of the perception the U.S. no longer cares about the region. The plan puts American attention back on Latin America.
REUTERS, 13

[Gary Regenstreif, “The looming U.S.-China rivalry over Latin America,” 6/12, http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2013/06/12/the-looming-u-s-china-rivalry-over-latin-america/]


Washington’s renewed ardor is at least partly because of the fear that China will repeat in Latin America the economic success it has built in Africa. China has been able to present itself as a benevolent partner there, which has played well against the West’s history of meddling in domestic affairs. “It’s about influence and leverage,” said Eric Farnsworth, vice president of the Council of the Americas, “…The region matured and expects to be treated in real partnership rather than [in the] patronizing way it happened in the past.” The challenges facing Beijing and Washington lie in how each approaches the region. Washington confronts lingering resentment about its historic regional interference, stretching back to the 1823 Monroe Doctrine, and its continuing desire to mix business with policy — which muddies its approach to trade and investment. Washington’s domestic problems, its pivot to Asia and a host of global crises, also serve as distractions that could keep its actions in Latin America from matching its words — as has happened before. China, meanwhile, is largely viewed in the region as unencumbered by ideology. It approaches opportunities almost exclusively on commercial terms there.


2NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/t - #5 “No Escalation” 357



1) China perceives any U.S. interest in Latin America to be a direct threat to their sphere of influence. All of the Affirmative’s evidence is from the American point of view that China will inevitably be willing to cooperate, but this doesn’t assume potential nationalism. Extend our SAUNDERS and GILL AND HUANG evidence.
2) Even if China supports the specific policy of the Affirmative, they are extremely paranoid of U.S. intentions and this will drive their reaction to the plan.
ALDEN, 05

[Chris, Senior Lecturer in International Relations at London School of Economics and Political Science, “China in Africa,” Survival, 47:3]


A key dimension of Chinese foreign policy at the global level is an overriding concern with American hegemony. In part this reflects the position of the United States, as the only power with the political will and military means to actively thwart Beijing's interests, especially with respect to Taiwan. At the same time, America's ambivalence towards China's emergence as a world power - reflected in crises such as the incident in 2000 when a US spy plane was forced to land in Chinese territory - and its (selective) promotion of human rights and democracy ensure friction between the two states. In the aftermath of 11 September 2001 ('9/11'), with the promulgation of the American doctrine of pre-emption and the invasion and occupation of Iraq, Beijing is deeply worried about Washington's intentions and long-term objectives. This concern manifests itself in a search, breaking with the traditional aloofness of Chinese foreign policy, for strategic partners with whom Beijing can make common cause around issues that reflect its core interests as well as the promotion of the idea of China's 'peaceful rise'. These interests centre on mutual respect for state sovereignty as a guiding principle of the international system, and non-intervention in domestic affairs of states. The drive for such strategic partnerships is manifested in the largely symbolic bilateral cooperation with key global actors outside America's hegemonic reach, such as Russia; in multilateral cooperation; and in securing the necessary means to maintain economic growth. As a significant player in multilateral organisations, and with its recent ascension to the WTO, China recognises that it needs to court votes to protect and promote its interests. African states have the largest single bloc of votes in multilateral settings and, as China's economic and political interests do not clash with Africa's in the way they do with fellow Asian states', Beijing has decided to actively develop partnerships with the continent. In the words of Prime Minister Wen Jiabao in Addis Ababa in December 2004: 'China is ready to co-ordinate its positions with African countries in the process of international economic rules formulation and multilateral trade negotiations'.28 African votes have been crucial to Beijing's multilateral diplomacy, whether it be blocking resolutions at the UN Commission on Human Rights condemning alleged human-rights abuses in China or garnering sufficient support to win a second bid to host the Olympics in 2008. Beijing believes this strategic relationship with Africa while seen as diversionary in some Chinese circles, will enable it to secure its interests in the WTO and other multilateral venues at relatively low cost over the long term.29


2NC Extensions [Critical Immigration]: A/t - #6 “Chinese Investment is Unsustainable” 358



1) China is rapidly expanding trade ties with Latin America and is outpacing U.S. assistance.
POLICYMIC, 13

[Luis Costa, international affairs student at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service; “U.S. Chins Relations: Should Washington Be Concerned Over Growing Chinese Trade in Latin America?” June, http://www.policymic.com/articles/48673/u-s-chins-relations-should-washington-be-concerned-over-growing-chinese-trade-in-latin-america]

On March 16, the Inter-American Development Bank announced that it would receive $2 billion from China for an investment fund to grant loans to both public and private entities in Latin America and the Caribbean. The move is representative of China's increased efforts to boost investment in Latin America, sparking arguments that a "U.S.-China rivalry" over Latin America could be imminent. Indeed, China's investment in Latin America has grown with impressive speed over the past few years, making it the fastest-growing investor in the region. In fact, the PRC has already overtaken the U.S. as Brazil's largest trading partner, and total trade between Latin America and China has been growing faster than trade between Latin America and the United States (in 2012, the values were estimated at 8% and 6.2%, respectively). Today, according to a report released by the UN's Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), China is Latin America's third-largest trading partner, behind only the U.S. and the EU, respectively. The same report predicts that by 2015 China will have surpassed the EU, remaining second only to the United States.
2) China can outspend the U.S., and is developing influence in Latin America because the U.S. is not offering new forms of assistance.
BLOOMBERG, 13

[Joshua Goodman; “Biden Circles Xi as U.S. Duels China for Latin America Ties” 5/29, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-05-29/biden-circles-xi-as-u-s-duels-china-for-latin-america-influence.html]


The competition between the world’s two biggest economies for influence in Latin America is on display this week as U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visits Rio de Janeiro today near the end of a three-nation tour of the region with Chinese President Xi Jinping close behind. The dueling visits -- Biden departs Brazil May 31, the same day Xi arrives in Trinidad & Tobago to begin his first tour of the region since China’s political transition ended in March -- underscore how Latin America’s natural resources and rising middle class are making it an increasingly attractive trade partner for the world’s top two economies. Competing with China’s checkbook isn’t easy for the U.S. Seeking South American soy, copper and iron ore, China boosted imports from Latin America 20-fold, to $86 billion in 2011 from $3.9 billion in 2000, according to calculations by the Inter-American Development Bank. By contrast, the U.S. policy of pursuing free-trade accords has been controversial, said Kevin Gallagher, a Boston University economist. “If I’m a Latin American leader, I’m very happy because I now have more chips to play with,” said Gallagher, author of the 2010 book “The Dragon in the Room,” about China’s inroads in the region. “The onus is on the U.S. to come up with a more flexible, attractive offer but that’s not so easy because it doesn’t have the deep pockets like it used to.”



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