Japan Aff Michigan



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Stability KT Security




Futenma is an essential question for the future of Kan’s regime. Only ensuring focus of U.S. withdrawl will sustain relations and help Japan redefine its security for a changing Asian dynamic.

NYT, 6/10 (The New York Times, “The Okinawa Question” http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/11/opinion/11iht-edloo.html)

The anger at Hatoyama’s betrayal shut down channels of communication between Okinawa and the central government and aggravated local mistrust of the center. It has also exacerbated the sense among Okinawans that “mainland Japan” is perfectly willing to continue its discriminatory treatment of Okinawa by leaving the island to carry the burden of the U.S.-Japan security relationship from which all Japan benefits. But this is not only about Okinawa. Any serious attempt to address the question of bases on Okinawa cannot avoid the inextricably linked question of the entire U.S.-Japan security arrangement. In mishandling the Futenma issue, Hatoyama squandered the opportunity to start a frank discussion — and perhaps even a rethinking — of what Japan’s role in that relationship is, and what it wants from it. This is crucial for Japan as a whole because a conversation about the country’s future direction (including its existing security relationships) within a rapidly changing East Asia is becoming increasingly necessary. Hatoyama cast his resignation as taking responsibility for failure on the Futenma issue, but this too, looks likely to hurt the situation. Since his resignation, Japanese media and popular attention to the Futenma issue has collapsed, and Okinawa’s base issue faces the very real risk of getting lost in the transition to the new government. Indeed, the new prime minister, Naoto Kan, has made the Japanese economy his primary focus. Regarding Futenma, he reaffirmed the government’s commitment to the May 28 agreement with the U.S. while promising (vaguely) to give attention to reducing Okinawa’s base burdens. Kan did, however, mention at a press conference that he had recently started reading a book on Okinawa to deepen his understanding of its history. Let’s hope that his reading helps him understand the weight and complexity of the base issue, and that it gives him enough of a sense of history to see why he must not lose sight of it.

Credibility KT East Asian Alliances



East Asian Alliances is dependent on the DPJ’s ability to right the ship – DPJ must control domestic and foreign policy, and this can only possible with a victory on the Futenma issue

Clausen 6/20PhD Candidate in International Relations (6/20/10, Daniel, Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies, “The Future of Japanese Defense Politics”, http://www.japanesestudies.org.uk/discussionpapers/2010/Clausen.html)

Scenario 1: Toward a More Independent Japan What key indicators would signal a continuation of a gradual shift toward a Japan less-reliant on the bilateral alliance? In this scenario, the DPJ (or another party) would realize a more 'equal' or 'independent' position from the US by building stronger alliances with neighboring Asian countries while maintaining a credible US deterrent. These are the key indicators for a shift toward a more independent position from the US: The ability of the DPJ to maintain political cohesion, including the short-term support of the SDP and PNP, the relationship between Ozawa and PM Hatoyama, and the relationship between intraparty factions with disparate political opinions. The ability of the DPJ to appease the US in the short-term through policy concessions that do not disrupt the party's internal alliances. These policies should also help the DPJ obtain credibility with the Japanese public as a reliable alliance manager. The ability of the DPJ to successfully execute its domestic agenda, most significantly its ability to spur economic growth, but also, its ability to reform political-bureaucratic relations and to deliver on entitlement promises. In the long-term, a gradual move toward equal status with the US will also depend on the DPJ's ability to create stronger ties with China, South Korea, and ASEAN. Conclusion: Because this scenario demands the most adept political maneuvering, in terms of striking complicated political bargains both with internal allies and with the US, this scenario is also currently the most unlikely. Thus far, the DPJ has not shown the kind of political cohesion and strength necessary to successfully bring an end to the Futenma issue. For this reason, even if the DPJ manages to forestall catastrophe in the short term (a loss of power in the upper house of the Diet), it still has a long way to go before realizing even the permissive conditions for the foreign policy it espoused in its Manifesto.


Japan regime credibility key to stable multipolar power shift in East Asia, which is key to East Asian stability

Jakarta Post, ’10 (6/14/10, The Jakarta Post, “East Asia needs a strong Japan,” http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/06/14/east-asia-needs-a-strong-japan.html)
Despite all the difficulties, we hope Japan would be able to withstand the challenges. As international relations in East Asia enter its most crucial juncture, the role of Japan as a major regional power is very much needed. It is for the first time in Asia’s history that regional politics would be characterized by more than two powerful players. China will undoubtedly soon emerge as the most powerful country, second only to the US. India too will become a power that would shape the future of East Asia. As a result, a new emerging regional order is in the making. Southeast Asian countries, having good relationships with all four major powers, expect that the ongoing power shift in East Asia will continue to be peaceful and to the benefits of all regional nations, small and big. I, for one, believe that some sort of multi-polar structure in East Asia would ensure that the region continues to enjoy the stability it has experienced over the last five decades. In that context, a strong Japan would greatly contribute to the preservation of peace, stability and prosperity in the region. A strong Japan would be beneficial for the fulfillment of the ideal of an East Asian community. The role that Japan has played in Southeast Asia — an important component of East Asia’s stability and security — has helped the region flourish economically, which in turn contributes to peace and stability in the region. Southeast Asian states wish to see Japan, under the new administration led by Prime Minister Kan, to succeed. Southeast Asian states, and also East Asia as a whole, needs a strong partnership with Japan to ensure that the 21st century is indeed an Asian century. Indonesia is no exception. Our relationship with Japan will continue to occupy an important place in our foreign policy. Japan is the largest trading partner and investor in Indonesia. Japan has been playing an important role in our economic development and is a fellow democracy with whom we share many values and norms.
Regime stability key to Japanese regional leadership, balancing of China

Kapila, ’10 - an International Relations and Strategic Affairs analyst, and the Consultant, Strategic Affairs with South Asia Analysis Group (6/7/10, Subhash, South Asian Analysis, http://www.southasiaanalysis.org//papers39/paper3848.html)
Japan despite its Constitutional limitations inhibiting assertive strategic postures and polices, has been internationally recognized as one of the three major powers of Asia along with China and India. It is also recognized as the foremost contender for US Security Council Permanent Membership. In global strategic calculus, Japan is also perceived in balance-of-power politics terms as balancing China in North East Asia. Attendant on such global recognition is the basic premise of a politically stable Japan capable of successfully and confidently managing regional crises and challenges. A politically unstable Japan undermines such global confidence and is not good for Japan. While the United States could marginally assist Japan here by subduing strategic irritants like the Futema issue, the ultimate responsibility lies on Japan for a qualitative transformation or re-structuring of the Japanese political system which liquidates problems promotive of Japanese political instability.


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